Morgan  Callaway.,  Jr» 

Studies  in  tlie  Syntax  of  tlie 
Linmsfarne  Gospels 


* 


Supplementary  Series: 
STUDIES   IN  ENGLISH   PHILOLOGY 

Edited  by  James  W.  Bright 
=====         Number  5  = 


STUDIES  IN  THE  SYNTAX  OF 
THE  LINDISFARNE  GOSPELS 


With  Appendices  on  Some  Idioms  in  the 
Germanic  Languages 


BY 


MORGAN  CALLAWAY,  Jr. 

Professor  of  English  in  The  University  of  Texas 


baltimore 

The  Johns  Hopkins  Press 

1918 


P£  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORN1 

1  .  SANTA  BARBARA 

PREFACE 


The  present  instalment *  of  my  projected  Studies  in  the 
Syntax  of  the  "  Lindisfame  Gospels "  is  restricted  to  an  in- 
vestigation of  the  Participle  and  of  the  Inlinitive.  The  main 
object  of  this  instalment  is  to  determine  whether  the  syntax  of 
these  verbals  in  the  Northumbrian  dialect  differs  essentially 
from  that  in  the  West-Saxon  dialect  as  set  forth  in  the  writer's 
monographs  2  on  the  Participle  and  the  Infinitive  in  the  latter 
dialect.  The  investigation  is  based  upon  a  statistical  reading 
of  the  four  Lindisfame  Gospels  and  of  their  Latin  originals,  as 
given  in  W.  W.  Skeat's  The  Holy  Gospels:  Anglo-Saxon  and 
Northumbrian  Versions,  Cambridge,  1871-1887.  In  the  study 
of  each  verbal,  I  have  attempted  to  make  my  statistics  com- 
plete, and  have  habitually  given  an  account  of  the  Latin  corre- 
spondents of  the  Northumbrian  gloss,  and  in  the  more  doubtful 
constructions  have  cited  the  parallel  passage  in  the  Rushworth 
version  of  the  Gospels,  which  latter  has  been  read  entire, 
although  no  account  is  taken  thereof  except  in  the  way  here 
indicated.  Occasional  omissions  and  misclassifications  are  in- 
evitable, but  I  hope  that  they  will  not  prove  so  numerous  or  so 
serious  as  to  invalidate  the  trustworthiness  of  this  investigation. 

As  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  is  merely  an  interlinear  gloss, 
and  in  many  respects  a  faulty  one,  a  larger  question  at  once 
presents  itself,  whether  or  not  such  a  gloss  can  give  any  trust- 
worthy evidence  as  to  the  normal  syntax  of  the  dialect  in  which 
it  is  written.  That  very  gross  errors  are  made,  is  evidenced  by 
such  passages  as  the  following,  in  which  the  author  uses  a  nomi- 
native as  the  direct  object  of  a  verb  and  a  dative  as  the  subject 
of  a  finite  verb: — John  18.  28 :  geloeddon  forSon  se  hcelend  from 

1  The  next  instalment  will  be  devoted  to  the  Subjunctive  Mood. 

2  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Baltimore,  1889;  The  Apposi- 
tive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Baltimore,  1901;  and  The  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  Washington,  D.  C,  1913. 

iii 


iv  Preface 

caifa  =  Adducunt  ergo  iesum  a  caiapha  (similarly  in  the  Rush- 
worth  version);  Luke  16.5:  mi^Sy  weron  geceigedo  forSon 
syndrigum  scyldgum  hlaferdes  his  cuoaaS  =  conuocatis  igitur 
singulis  debitoribus  domini  sui  dicebat  (leaf  lost  in  the  Rush- 
worth  version).  But  even  these  errors  are  not  in  reality  so 
gross  as  they  at  first  appear.  The  probability  is  that,  in  the 
former  example,  the  glossator  is  merely  naming  the  word,  not 
the  form  thereof,  to  be  used ;  and  that,  in  the  second,  he  turns 
the  ablative  absolute  of  the  participle  in  the  native  English  way, 
by  a  finite  verb,  but,  on  reaching  the  ablative  subject,  has  for- 
gotten about  his  rendering  of  the  participle,  and,  naturally 
therefore,  translates  the  ablative  of  the  Latin  noun  by  a  dative. 
At  any  rate,  such  errors  are  exceptional ;  and  the  proper  answer 
to  our  question  seems  to  be  this.  As  to  the  normal  order  of 
words,  this  Northumbrian  gloss,  like  most  interlinear  trans- 
lations, gives  next  to  no  evidence  of  value,  since,  as  a  rule,  the 
glossator  adheres  strictly  to  the  order  of  his  Latin  original. 
As  to  the  normal  idioms  to  be  used  in  the  combining  of  words 
into  sentences,  however,  it  gives  invaluable  evidence,  especially 
in  those  locutions  in  which  the  Northumbrian  gloss  consistently 
diverges  from  the  idiom  of  the  Latin  original.  In  a  word,  if 
in  the  syntax  of  any  part  of  speech,  as  of  the  participle  or  of 
the  infinitive,  the  glossator  consistently  shuns  a  Latin  idiom, 
and  consistently  substitutes  therefor  another  idiom,  we  are  justi- 
fied in  holding  that  the  substitute  idiom  represents  his  native 
usage, — a  principle  that  seems  to  me  to  hold  perfectly  in  the 
syntax  of  the  verbals. 

While,  as  stated  above,  the  main  purpose  of  the  present  in- 
vestigation is  to  discover  what  light  this  Northumbrian  material 
may  throw  upon  the  syntax  of  the  West-Saxon  dialect,  it  is 
hoped  that  the  studies  may  prove  of  interest  from  an  absolute 
standpoint,  the  more  so  that  they  disclose  several  idioms  not 
known  in  West-Saxon.  Among  the  more  noteworthy  of  these 
idioms  may  be  mentioned  the  Absolute  Participle  with  an 
Accusative  Subject,  possibly  also  with  a  Nominative  Subject; 
the  Infinitive  as  the  Object  of  a  Preposition ;  the  Imperative 


Preface  v 

Use  of  the  Infinitive;  and  that  substitute  for  the  Infinitive 
which  I  have  ventured  to  denominate  the  Elliptical  Accusative- 
with-Infinitive  Construction.  Moreover,  certain  constructions 
that  are  only  slightly  represented  in  West-Saxon,  are  somewhat 
frequent  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  the  Inflected  Infinitive 
with  an  Accusative  Subject  in  Objective  Clauses  and  the  Unin- 
flected  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  in  Subjective  Clauses. 

So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn  it,  I  have  given  the  history 
of  opinion  on  all  points  discussed  by  me.  Numerous  works 
dealing  with  the  phonology  or  the  inflections  of  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  have  been  published,  and  are  duly  recorded  in  my  Bibli- 
ography. Of  these  I  need  here  mention  only  those  that  have 
been  of  most  service  to  me :  Professor  Albert  S.  Cook's  A  Glos- 
sary of  the  Old  Northumbrian  Gospels  (Lindisfarne  Gospels, 
or  Durham  Booh),  Halle,  1894;  Dr.  H.  C.  A.  Carpenter's  Die 
Destination  in  der  Nordhumbrischen  Evangelienuebersetzung 
der  Lindisfarner  Handschrift,  Bonn,  1910;  Dr.  Theodor 
Kolbe's  Die  Konjugation  der  Lindisf aimer  Evangelien,  Bonn, 
1912 ;  and  the  several  works  by  Professor  Uno  Lindelof  listed 
in  my  Bibliography.  So  far  as  I  know,  my  monograph  is  the 
second  treatise  devoted  specifically  to  the  syntax  of  the  Lindis- 
farne Gospels,  the  first  being  Mr.  C.  E.  Bale's  The  Syntax  of 
the  Genitive  Case  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  a  University  of 
Iowa  Master's  dissertation  of  1907.  But,  in  the  nature  of  the 
case,  some  syntactical  observations  occur  in  the  three  works 
mentioned  above,  in  the  other  treatises  dealing  with  the  inflec- 
tions of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  and  in  the  various  editions  of 
that  text  by  Bouterwek,  by  Stevenson  and  Waring,  and  by 
Skeat,  all  recorded  in  my  Bibliography.  Wherever  help  has 
been  found,  it  has  been  gratefully  accepted  and  specifically 
acknowledged. 

Perhaps  a  word  should  be  added  as  to  the  date  of  the  Lindis- 
farne Gospels.  And  here  I  cannot  do  better  than  quote  the 
most  recent  deliverance  in  reference  thereto  by  the  editor  of 
our  text,  the  late  Professor  Walter  W.  Skeat.  In  his  English 
Dialects  from  the  Eighth  Century  to  the  Present  Day  (Cam- 


vi  Preface 

bridge,  1911),  p.  22,  Professor  Skeat  expressed  himself  as 
follows :  "  The  Northumbrian  glosses  on  the  four  Gospels  are 
contained  in  two  mss.,  both  of  remarkable  interest  and  value. 
The  former  of  these,  sometimes  known  as  the  Lindisfarne  MS., 
and  sometimes  as  the  Durham  Book,  is  now  MS.  Cotton,  Nero 
D  4  in  the  British  Museum,  and  is  one  of  the  chief  treasures 
in  our  national  collection.  It  contains  a  beautifully  executed 
Latin  text  of  the  four  Gospels,  written  in  the  isle  of  Lindis- 
farne, by  Eadfrith  (bishop  of  Lindisfarne  in  698-721),  proba- 
bly before  700.  The  interlinear  Northumbrian  gloss  is  two  and 
a  half  centuries  later,  and  was  made  by  Aldred,  a  priest,  about 
950,  at  a  time  when  the  ms.  was  kept  at  Chester-le-Street,  near 
Durham,  whither  it  had  been  removed  for  greater  safety.  Some- 
what later  it  was  again  removed  to  Durham,  where  it  remained 
for  several  centuries." 

Since,  as  already  incidentally  stated,  I  have  cited  the  Rush- 
ivorth  Gospels  in  rare  and  difficult  constructions,  I  quote,  also, 
Professor  Skeat's  account  of  the  Rushworth  version  of  the 
Gospels,  as  given  on  p.  22  of  his  English  Dialects'.  "  The 
second  ms.  is  called  the  Rushworth  MS.,  as  it  was  presented 
to  the  Bodleian  Library  (Oxford)  by  John  Rushworth,  who 
was  deputy-clerk  to  the  House  of  Commons  during  the  Long 
Parliament.  The  Latin  text  was  written,  probably  in  the  eighth 
century,  by  a  scribe  named  Macregol.  The  gloss,  written  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  tenth  century,  is  in  two  hands,  those  of  Farman 
and  Owun,  whose  names  are  given.  Farman  was  a  priest  of 
Harewood,  on  the  river  Wharf e,  in  the  West  Riding  of  York- 
shire. He  glossed  the  whole  of  St.  Matthew's  Gospel,  and  a 
very  small  portion  of  St.  Mark.  It  is  worthy  of  especial  notice, 
that  his  gloss,  throughout  St.  Matthew,  is  not  in  the  Northum- 
brian dialect,  but  in  a  form  of  Mercian.  But  it  is  clear  that 
when  he  had  completed  this  first  Gospel,  he  borrowed  the  Lindis- 
farne MS.  as  a  guide  to  help  him,  and  kept  it  before  him  when 
he  began  to  gloss  St.  Mark.  He  at  once  began  to  copy  the 
glosses  in  the  older  ms.,  with  slight  occasional  variations  in  the 
grammar;  but  he  soon  tired  of  his  task,  and  turned  it  over  to 


Preface  vii 

Owun,  who  continued  it  to  the  end.  The  result  is  that  the 
Northumbrian  glosses  in  this  nsv  throughout  the  three  last 
Gospels,  are  of  no  great  value,  as  they  tell  us  little  more  than 
can  be  better  learnt  from  the  Durham  book ;  on  the  other  hand, 
Farman's  Mercian  gloss  to  St.  Matthew  is  of  high  value,  but 
need  not  be  considered  at  present.  Hence  it  is  best  in  this  case 
to  rely,  for  our  knowledge  of  Old  Northumbrian,  on  the  Durham 
book  alone.''''  The  italics  in  the  last  sentence  of  this  quotation 
are  Professor  Skeat's.  As  to  the  question  raised  in  this  sentence 
concerning  the  relative  value  of  the  Lindisfarne  and  the  Rush- 
worth  versions  of  the  Gospels,  the  present  writer  prefers  to  re- 
serve judgment  until  the  appearance  of  further  instalments  of 
his  studies  in  the  syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 

As  in  my  former  syntactical  studies,  I  have  taken  account  of 
the  verbals  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages.  This  fact  will 
justify,  I  trust,  the  several  Appendices  strewn  throughout  the 
present  monograph.  In  these  appendices  I  have  striven  to  bring 
up  to  date  the  chapter  on  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Ger- 
manic Languages,  published  in  1889 ;  that  on  the  Appositive 
Participle  in  the  Germanic  Languages,  published  in  1901 ;  and 
that  on  the  Infinitive  in  the  Germanic  Languages,  published  in 
1913.  And  I  have  devoted  one  Appendix  (IX)  exclusively  to 
a  consideration  of  some  "  Germanic  Analogues  to  the  Northum- 
brian Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction."  It  is 
a  pleasure  to  find  that  these  later  investigations  strongly  tend  to 
confirm  the  theories  formerly  set  forth  by  me  as  to  the  syntax 
of  the  verbals  not  only  in  Anglo-Saxon  but  also  in  the  other 
Germanic  Languages.  With  slight  modifications  here  and  there 
for  individual  languages,  the  theories  derived  from  a  minute 
study  of  the  West-Saxon  and  the  Northumbrian  dialects  seem 
to  apply  equally  well  to  the  other  Germanic  languages.  Though 
fairly  confident  of  the  correctness  of  the  view  just  expressed,  I 
realize  that  my  interpretation  of  the  idioms  of  the  participle 
and  of  the  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages  other  than 
English  rests  upon  statistics  which,  though  carefully  gathered 
bv  others,  are  for  several  of  the  languages  incomplete,  and  in 


viii  Preface 

some  instances  take  little  account  of  the  original  Greek  or  Latin. 
I  should  be  glad,  therefore,  if  Germanic  grammarians  would 
test  the  theories  in  question  by  making  as  detailed  a  study  of 
the  syntax  of  the  verbals  in  the  other  Germanic  languages  as 
I  have  attempted  to  give  thereof  in  the  West-Saxon  and  the 
Northumbrian  dialects. 

Although  my  Bibliography  lays  no  claim  to  exhaustiveness, 
I  have  striven  to  make  it  as  nearly  complete  as  was  possible 
considering  my  remoteness  from  the  larger  libraries  and  the 
difficulties  of  communicating  with  Europe  incident  to  the  Inter- 
national War.  Even  partial  success  in  this  direction  would 
have  been  impossible  but  for  the  kindness  shown  me  by  the 
librarians  of  several  of  our  older  universities.  For  such  cour- 
tesies I  wish  to  tender  my  cordial  thanks  to  the  librarians  of 
the  following  universities:  Chicago,  Columbia,  Harvard,  and 
Johns  Hopkins.  And  to  the  librarian  of  the  University  of 
Texas,  Mr.  John  E.  Goodwin,  I  am  indebted  for  many  kind- 
nesses. In  the  Bibliography  I  have  given  the  titles  not  only  of 
the  chief  accessible  works  on  the  Northumbrian  Dialect  of  the 
Old  English  Period,  but  also  of  a  few  of  the  more  noteworthy 
treatises  on  the  other  dialects  of  that  epoch  and  on  the  Northern 
Dialect  of  the  Middle  English  Period  and  of  the  Modern  Eng- 
lish Period.  And,  as  I  am  throughout  comparing  the  Old 
Northumbrian  syntax  with  that  of  West-Saxon  and  of  the  Ger- 
manic languages,  I  have  added,  in  the  Bibliography,  the  titles 
of  the  more  noteworthy  treatises  dealing  with  the  syntax  of  the 
participle  and  of  the  infinitive  in  English  and  in  the  other  Ger- 
manic languages,  in  the  later  as  well  as  in  the  earlier  periods, 
that  have  appeared  since  the  publication  of  my  monographs  on 
these  verbals.  A  few  dissertations  that  had  appeared  before  the 
publication  of  those  monographs,  but  that  had  escaped  me  or 
had  been  inaccessible,  have  likewise  been  added.  In  a  word, 
as  this  study  is  supplemental  to  my  former  studies,  so  this  Bibli- 
ography is  supplemental  to  my  former  bibliographies.  And  only 
in  the  case  of  a  few  of  the  more  important  works  have  I  repeated 
here  titles  given  in  my  former  monographs. 


Preface  ix 

Despite  the  fact  that  this  study  of  the  verbals  in  Northum- 
brian is  largely  based  upon  the  writer's  former  studies  of  the 
verbals  in  West-Saxon,  I  have  tried  to  make  the  present  mono- 
graph easily  intelligible  to  the  reader  who  may  not  have  access 
to  the  earlier  monographs.  If  I  should  not  always  have  suc- 
ceeded in  this,  I  hope  the  reader  will  generously  grant  me  indul- 
gence for  the  endeavor's  sake.  And  the  further  fact  that  the 
present  study  is  a  comparative  one,  will  excuse,  I  trust,  the  fre- 
quent references  in  this  monograph  to  my  former  studies. 

To  the  Editor-in-Chief  of  the  Supplementary  Series  of 
Hesperia,  Professor  James  W.  Bright,  I  am  indebted  for  his 
offering  occasional  suggestions  for  the  improvement  of  my  mono- 
graph, for  his  lending  me  rare  books  from  his  private  library, 
and,  most  of  all,  for  his  volunteering  to  devote  a  number  of 
Hesperia  to  this  work.  Professor  J.  L.  Boysen,  of  the  School 
of  Germanic  Languages  of  the  University  of  Texas,  has  kindly 
read  the  proofs  of  the  sections  dealing  with  the  Germanic  lan- 
guages other  than  English,  and  has  been  of  especial  help  in  the 
subsections  dealing  with  the  Scandinavian  Languages.  My  col- 
league and  life-long  friend,  Professor  Killis  Campbell,  has 
added  another  to  his  many  former  kindnesses  to  me.  He  has 
read  the  whole  of  the  proof,  has  offered  valuable  criticisms  upon 
the  same,  and  has  at  all  times  given  the  undertaking  his  cordial 
sympathy.  Where  help  is  so  cheerfully  given  as  by  these 
friends,  indebtedness  becomes,  not  a  burden,  but  a  perennial 
source  of  pleasure. 

Morgan  Callaway,  Jr. 

The  University  of  Texas, 

Austin,  Texas,  March  31,  1918. 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

The  Absolute  Participle 

Introduction :  Definition,  Case 1 

A.  The  Absolute  Dative-Instrumental 2 

General    Statement 2 

I.    The  Present  Participle 3 

Statistics    3 

Notes    5 

II.    The  Preterite  Participle 7 

Statistics    7 

Notes    10 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 13 

Appendix  I.     The  Absolute  Dative  in  the  Other  Germanic 

Languages    13 

B.  The  Absolute  Accusative 25 

General   Statement 25 

I.    The  Present  Participle 31 

Statistics    31 

Notes    33 

II.    The  Preterite  Participle :  Statistics 33 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 34 

Appendix  II.     The  Absolute  Accusative  in  the  Other  Ger- 
manic Languages 34 

C.  The  Absolute  Nominative 35 

General   Statement 35 

I.    The  Present  Participle:   Statistics 36 

II.    The  Preterite  Participle:   Statistics 37 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 38 

Appendix  III.     The  Absolute  Nominative  in  the  Other  Ger- 
manic Languages 38 

D.  Synoptic  Table  of  the  Absolute  Participle 39 

E.  The  Uses  of  the  Absolute  Participle 39 

General   Statement 39 

Synoptic  Table 42 

F.  Origin  of  the  Idioms  with  the  Absolute  Participle:  Summary 

Statement    43 

CHAPTER  II 
The  Appositive  Participle 

Introduction  :   Definition,  Regimen 45 

A.    The  Present  Participle 46 

xi 


xii  Contents 

PAGE 

I.    With  an  Object 46 

General   Statement 46 

Statistics    46 

1.  Of  the  Nominative 46 

2.  Of  the  Genitive 49 

3.  Of  the  Dative-Instrumental 50 

4.  Of  the  Accusative 50 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 51 

Appendix  IV.     The  Governing  Power  of  the  Apposi- 

tive   Present  Participle  in  the   Other  Germanic 

Languages  52 

II.    Without  an  Object 61 

General   Statement 61 

Statistics    61 

1.  Of  the  Nominative 62 

Notes    64 

2.  Of  the  Genitive 67 

3.  Of  the  Dative-Instrumental 68 

4.  Of  the  Accusative 69 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 70 

B.  The  Preterite  Participle 71 

I.    With  an  Object 71 

General   Statement 71 

Statistics    71 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 72 

II.    Without  an  Object 72 

General   Statement 72 

Statistics    72 

1.  Of  the  Nominative 72 

2.  Of  the  Genitive 74 

3.  Of  the  Dative-Instrumental 75 

4.  Of  the  Accusative 75 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 78 

C.  Synoptic  Table  of  the  Appositive  Participle 78 

D.  Uses  of  the  Appositive  Participle 78 

General   Statement 78 

I.    The  Adjectival  Use 81 

II.    The  Adverbial  Use 82 

III.    The  Co-ordinate  Use 85 

Notes    86 

Synoptic    Table 87 

E.  Origin   of  the  Idioms  with  the   Appositive   Participle:    Sum- 

mary Statement 89 

CHAPTER  III 
The  Infinitive 

Introduction   90 

Forms  of  the  Infinitive 90 


Contents  x[[[ 

PAGE 

Functions  of  the  Infinitive 9] 

Differentiation  of  Uninfected  Infinitive  and  of  Inflected 

Infinitive  a  Main  Problem 91 

The   Origin   of  the    Various    Idioms    with   the   Infinitive 

Another  Main  Problem 91 

The  Order  of  Words  not  Treated 92 

The  Voice  of  the  Infinitive 92 

The  Subjective  Infinitive 93 

A.    The  Active  Infinitive 93 

1.    With  Active  Finitive  Verb 93 

General  Statement 93 

Uninfected  Only 95 

Inflected  Only 95 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each 9g 

Statistics    9g 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs 97 

General  Statement 97 

Statistics    9g 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives 98 

4.  Origin  of  the  Idiom 99 

Appendix  V.    The  Subjective  Infinitive  in  the  Other  Ger- 
manic Languages jqO 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 101 

C.  Notes  102 

The  Objective  Infinitive 102 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 102 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb 102 

General   Statement 102 

Uninflected  Only 104 

Inflected  Only 105 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each 105 

Statistics 107 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs 109 

General    Statement 109 

Statistics  1 10 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives no 

4.  Origin  of  the  Idiom 1 1 1 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 1 13 

C.  Notes   113 

III.  Other  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive 115 

A.    The  Active  Infinitive 115 

As  a  Predicate  Nominative 116 

As  an  Appositive 116 

As  the  Object  of  a  Preposition 117 

IV.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs 118 

A.    The  Active  Infinitive 118 

General    Statement 1  IS 


II. 


v  Contents 

PAGE 

Uninflected    118 

Inflected    118 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives 119 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 119 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 119 

C.  Notes   119 

V.    The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion  and  of  Rest 

Other  Than  Wutun 121 

The  Active  Infinitive 121 

General   Statement 121 

Uninflected  Only 121 

With  Verbs  of  Motion 121 

With  Verbs  of  Rest 122 

VI.    The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Wutun 122 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 122 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 123 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 123 

C.  Notes   123 

VII.    The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Bia{n)    {Wosa) 123 

The  Active  Infinitive 123 

A.  Denoting  Necessity  or  Obligation 123 

B.  Denoting  Futurity 124 

C.  Denoting  Purpose 125 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 125 

Notes    126 

VIII.    The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject 126 

General   Statement 126 

As  Object 127 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 127 

I.    Uninflected    127 

General   Statement 127 

With  Verbs  of  Commanding 128 

With  Verbs  of  Causing  and  Permitting  128 

With  Verbs  of  Sense  Perception 128 

With  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception 129 

With  Verbs  of  Declaring 129 

With  Other  Verbs 129 

Statistics    130 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 131 

II.    Inflected   134 

General    Statement 134 

Statistics  134 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 136 

Differentiation    of    the    Two    Infinitives:     see 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 136 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 137 

As  Subject 137 


Contents 

PAGE 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 137 

I.    Uninflected    137 

General   Statement 137 

Statistics    138 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 140 

II.    Inflected  141 

Statistics    141 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 141 

Differentiation    of    the    Two    Infinitives:    see 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 141 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 141 

C.  Notes   141 

Appendix  VI.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusa- 
tive Subject  in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages  142 

IX.    The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject 143 

The  Active  Infinitive 143 

Appendix  VII.     The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Dative  Sub- 
ject in  the  Other  Germanic  Languages 145 

X.    The  Final  Infinitive 155 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 155 

1.  With  Active  Finite  Verb 155 

General   Statement 155 

Uninflected  Only 156 

Uninflected  and  Inflected  Each 157 

Inflected  Only 157 

Statistics    158 

2.  With  Passive  Verbs 161 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives 161 

4.  Origin  of  the  Idiom 161 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 162 

C.  Notes   162 

XL    The  Infinitive  with  Adjectives 165 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 165 

General   Statement 165 

1.  Uninflected    166 

Statistics  166 

2.  Inflected    166 

Statistics  166 

3.  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives lt>7 

4.  Origin  of  the  Idiom 168 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 168 

C.  Notes   168 

XII.    Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  Infinitive 160 

The  Causal  Infinitive 1  *i!» 

The  Consecutive   Infinitive 169 

The  Instrumental  Infinitive L69 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 169 

Appendix  VIII.     The  Consecutive  Infinitive  in  Gothic 170 


xvi  Contents 

PAGE 

XIII.    The  Infinitive  with  Nouns 171 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 171 

General   Statement 171 

Uninflected    171 

Statistics    171 

Inflected    172 

Statistics    172 

Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives 173 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 173 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 174 

C.  Notes  174 

XIV.    The  Imperative  Infinitive 175 

The  Active  Infinitive 175 

Uninflected    175 

Statistics    175 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 176 

XV.    Some  Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive 176 

I.    The  Predicate  Nominative  of  the  Present  Participle  for 

the  Predicative  Infinitive  after  Verbs  of  Motion. .  176 
II.    The  Predicate  Accusative  of  the  Present  Participle  for 

the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  177 

Origin  of  the  Idiom 179 

III.    The  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction  180 

A.  Made  Up  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Present  Par. 

ticiple    180 

B.  Made  Up  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Preterite  Par- 

ticiple        182 

C.  Origin  of  the  Idiom 183 

Notes    184 

Appendix  IX.  Germanic  Analogues  to  the  North- 
umbrian Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive 
Construction    186 

XVI.    Notes    196 

XVII.    Synoptic  Tables  of  the  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  and  of  the  Sub- 
stitutes Therefor 19* 

CHAPTER  IV 
Results 

I.    Concerning  the  Participle 199 

A.  The  Absolute  Participle 199 

B.  The  Appositive   Participle 201 

II.    Concerning  the  Infinitive 203 

A.  The  Active  Infinitive 203 

B.  The  Passive  Infinitive 213 

C.  Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive 214 

Bibliography    216 

Addenda  and  Corrigenda 240 


STUDIES    IN    THE    SYNTAX    OF  THE 
LINDISFARNE  GOSPELS 


CHAPTEK  I 


THE   ABSOLUTE   PAKTICIPLE 

Introduction 

In  this  chapter,  a  participle  is  considered  Absolute  when  its 
use  conforms  to  the  definition  of  the  Absolute  Clause  given  in 
The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  1:  "When  to  a 
substantive  not  the  subject  of  a  verb  and  dependent  upon  no 
other  word  in  the  sentence  (noun,  adjective,  verb,  or  preposi- 
tion) a  participle  is  joined  as  its  predicate,  a  clause  is  formed 
that  modifies  the  verbal  predicate  of  the  sentence  and  denotes 
an  accompanying  circumstance,  as  in  Urbe  expugnata,  impera- 
tor  rediit."  From  its  apparent,  but  not  real,  grammatical  in- 
dependence, this  has  been  denominated  an  absolute  clause. 

The  case  of  the  absolute  participle  varies  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels.  As  in  West-Saxon,  so  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 
normally  the  absolute  participle  is  in  the  dative-instrumental 
case.  But  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  we  find,  too,  the  accusa- 
tive and,  apparently,  the  nominative  used  absolutely, — both 
idioms  that  are  unknown  in  West-Saxon,  as  I  have  tried  to  show 
^in  my  aforementioned  monograph.  For  each  of  the  cases  used 
absolutely  the  participle  is  at  times  uninfected;  and  for  each 
case  divergent  participial  forms  are  used  occasionally ;  hence  at 
times,  in  absolute  uses,  the  case  of  the  clause  has  been  deter- 
mined by  the  form  rather  of  the  substantival  subject  than  of 
the  participial  predicate.  At  times,  too,  the  form  of  substan- 
tive or  of  participle  (occasionally  of  both)  is  indefinite;  and 
we  have  what  may  be  termed  "  crude  "  *  forms  of  substantive 

1  On  the  term  "  crude "  here,  see  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  p.  2. 

1 


2  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

or  of  participle  (or  of  both)  ;  that  is,  a  weathered  form  that 
cannot  with  certainty  be  assigned  to  any  definite  case,  but  that 
usually  represents  an  unweathered  dative-instrumental  (occa- 
sionally an  unweathered  accusative  or  nominative) .  That  some 
of  my  assignments  of  case  will  not  meet  with  acceptance,  I  do 
not  doubt.  Critics  will  be  the  more  lenient,  I  believe,  when  they 
recall  the  fact  that  the  monographs  specifically  dealing  with  the 
inflections  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  those  by  Dr.  H.  C.  A. 
Carpenter  and  by  Professor  A.  S.  Cook,  cited  in  my  Biblio- 
graphy, have  left  many  individual  examples,  even  when  specific- 
ally cited,  unclassified  as  to  case  and  gender.  That  the  possi- 
ble differences  as  to  case-assignment  will  not  be  so  numerous  as 
to  invalidate  the  trustworthiness  of  my  respective  groups,  is 
my  hope  and  belief. 

A.     The  Absolute  Dative-Instrumental 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  proper,  exclusive  of  the  "  Intro- 
ductions "  thereto,  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Dative- 
Instrumental  is  not  quite  so  frequent  as  in  the  West-Saxon 
Gospels,  there  being  52  examples  in  the  former  to  66  in  the 
latter.  But,  if  we  include  the  "  Introductions,"  the  number  2 
of  examples  of  the  Absolute  Dative-Instrumental  is  appreciably 
larger  in  the  former  (94)  than  in  the  latter  (66). 

The  following  are  typical  examples  of  the  Absolute  Dative- 
Instrumental  : — Mlc.  14.  22  :  ettendum  him  onfeng  se  hselend 
hlaf  =  manducantibus  ittis  accepit  iesns  panem;  Mk.  16.20b>c:3 

2  The  detailed  statistics  are  as  follows: 

Lindi  sf  arne :  West-  Saxon : 

Pres.  Ptc.      PastPtc.  Pres.  Ptc.      PastPtc. 

In    the   Gospels 33  19  25  41 

In  the  Introductions 20  13  00  00 

Totals    62  32  25  41 

Grand    Totals 94  66 

3  Throughout  this  study,  superior  letters  distinguish  different  examples 
in  the  same  verse.  As  a  rule,  I  have  expanded  contractions.  I  have  not 
differentiated  p  and  S,  but  have  uniformly  used  S.       For  the  symbol    I    I 


The  Absolute  Participle  3 

bodadon  eghuser  drihtne  midwyrcende  &  <5set  word  trymende 
mi(5  fylgendum  becenum  uel  tacenum  =  Praedicauerunt  ubique 
domino  cooperante  et  sermonem  conformant e  sequentibus  sig- 
nis;  Mk.  1.18:  hreconlice  mi(5(5y  forleorton  uel  forletnum  net- 
turn  fylgendo  weron  him  =  protinus  relictis  retibus  secuti 
sunt  eum. 

The  complete  Statistics  of  the  Dative-Instrumental  Absolute 
are  as  follows : — 

I.       THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE 

(62,  including  all  in  the  Notes  except  Note  3) 

Dative-Instrumental,  Singular  or  Plural 
(54  +  8  in  the  Notes) 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  the  Absolute  Present  Participle 
ends  normally  in  -nde  in  the  singular  (masculine  and  neuter) 
and  in  -ndum  in  the  plural  (masculine  and  neuter)  :  see  Carpen- 
ter, I.  c,  §§  527,  532,  537,  and  542.  In  the  singular  (mascu- 
line) the  participle  ends  once  in  -nd  (L.  14.32)  and  once  in 
-ndum  (L.  21.5)  ;  in  the  plural  (masculine),  once  in  -ndu  for 
-ndum  (L.  9.43).  Normally  the  vowel  preceding  the  endings 
named  above,  is  e,  but  occasionally  it  is  a  or  u:  see  Carpenter, 
I.  c.j  §  529.  When  no  ending  is  given  below,  -ndum  is  to  be 
understood. 

astiga,  descend  (1):L.  (1) :  9.37. 
bidda,  ash,  request  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.4  5.10. 
cliop(p)iga,  cry  out,  exclaim  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  21.4. 

have  written  out  the  Latin  equivalent,  uel,  and  for  the  symbol  ~]  I  have 
used  &.  Occasionally,  for  the  sake  of  clearness,  I  have  altered  the  punctu- 
ation of  the  original  text;  and  I  have  habitually  ignored  the  hyphenation 
of  compounds  in  the  Latin  original  and  in  the  Northumbrian  gloss. 

4 1,  here  and  elsewhere  in  the  statistics,  when  used  in  connection  with  the 
name  of  a  gospel,  indicates  that  the  example  occurs  in  the  "  Introduction  " 
to  that  gospel.  The  examples  in  the  "  Introductions  "  are  cited  by  page 
and  line;  those  in  the  Gospels,  by  chapter  and  verse.  The  segregation  of 
the  examples  occurring  in  the  "  Introductions,"  here  and  throughout  this 
monograph,  from  the  examples  occurring  in  the  Gospels  proper,  facilitates 
a  comparison  of  the  respective  idiom  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  and  in  the 
West-Saxon  Gospels,  in  which  latter  no  Introductions  occur. 


4  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

CWOeSa,  say,  declare  (2)  :  L.  (1) :  I.  10.2V- J.  (1) :  I.  6.13. 

doa,  do,  make  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  19.1  (with  the  dative,  a 
proper  name,  to  be  supplied  from  the  Latin  ablative). — L.  (1) : 
14.32  (-nd;  Cook:  pres.  p. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  532  :  dsm.). 

efneiorna,  run  together  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  11.29a. 

efnespreca,  talk,  converse  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  11.12. 

eftcerra,  return  (1)  :  /.  (1) :  I.  8.3b. 

eta  (eatta),  eat  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  14.22. 

fsera,#o  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  20.29. 

fraigna  (fregna),  enquire  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  6.19b  (-nde). 

fromgeonga,  depart  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  11.7. 

gefeaga,  rejoice  (2)  :  L.  (2) :  I.  3.14  (-nde)  ;  I.  8.5b  (-nde). 

gefraigna  (-fregna),  enquire  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  20.3  (-nde: 
gefraigende ) . 

genera,  ftear  (1) :  L.  (1) :  19.11. 

gelefa,  believe  (3)  :  J.  (3)  :  I.  5.6;  I.  5.14;  I.  6.9b. 

geonga,  go  (2) :  L.  (2) :  9.34b,  57. 

habba,  have  (1) :  L.  (1) :  7.42. 

hlioniga  (hliniga),  recline  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  5.13  (-nde). 

hrowa  (rowa),  row  (1):  L.  (1):  8.23  (hrowundum:  see 
Carpenter,  Z.  c,  §  542,  anmk.). 

innfara  (-fsera),  enter  into  (1) :  L.  (1) :  22.10a. 

iorna,  run  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  I.  8.3a. 

miSwyrca,  cooperate  (1)  :  MA;.  (1)  :  16.20b  (-nde). 

ofstiga,  descend  (2)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  17.9.— M.  (1)  :  9.9. 

ondswaeriga,  answer,  respond  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  I.  5.15. 

onginna,  begin  (1):  L.  (1):  21.28a. 

onsacca  (onssecca),  deny  (l) :  L.  (1) :  8.45. 

singa,  sm#  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  8.10  ( ?). 

slepa,  sleep  (2):  Mat.  (1):  28.13b.— Mfc.  (1):  I.  3.5b 
(-nde). 

smeaga,  think,  reflect  (1) :  L.  (1):  3.15. 

SOeca,  seek  (5)  :  L.  (2)  :  I.  6.19a  (-nde)  ;  I.  10.9  (with  the 
dative,  a  proper  name,  to  be  supplied  from  the  Latin). — J.  (3) : 
I.  5.3a;  I.  6.1;  I.  6.14a. 

Stiga,  ascend,  descend  (2) :  L.  (2)  :  I.  4.1a;  2.42. 


The  Absolute  Participle  5 

trymma,  confirm  (1) :  Mh.  (1):  16.20c  (-nde). 
undoa,  unloose  (1) :  L.  (1) :  19.33  (or  Appositive?). 
ungelefa,  disbelieve  (1) :  L.  (1) :  24.41a. 
WUndriga,  wonder  (3):  Mh.   (1):  I.  4.12.— L.   (2):  9.43 
{-ndu:  Cook:  dp. ;  Carpenter,  Z.  c,  §  542:  dpm.)  ;  24.41b. 
ymbsceawiga,  look  around  (1) :  L.  (1) :  6.10. 
ymbsitta,  sit  around  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  22.55. 
ymbstonda,  stand  around  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  12.1a. 

NOTES 

1.  J.n  OZeZ  English  Absolute  Dative-Instrumental  Active 
Translates  a  Latin  Ablative  A  bsolute  Passive  in  the  following : — 
Mat.  I.  16.3b:  tungolcrseftiga  stearra  him  hlatuu  gesaegde  ge- 
breingendum  uel  geafendum  mi(5  fiingum  togebedon  —  christum 
magi  stella  sibi  duce  nuntiante  oblatis  muneribus  adorauerunt;  5 
Mat.  I.  20.20c:  Sser  moder  sunana  sebedseis  biddende  swccendum 
sedlum  cueS  =  matri  filiorum  zebedaei  petenti  negatis  sedibus 
ait: — L.  6.20:  he  ahebbenduni  (sic)  egum  on  Segmim  his 
cuoeS  =  ipse  eleuatis  oculis  in  discipulos  suos  dicebat  (leaf 
lost  in  the  Rushworth  version)  ;  L.  15.13 :  mi(5(5y  gesomnandum 
allum  .  .  .  fserende  wses  =  congregatis  omnibus  .  .  .  profec- 
tus  est  (leaf  lost  in  the  Rushworth  version).  The  West-Saxon 
Gospels  has  an  active  Appositive  Participle  (beseonde)  in  L. 
6.20  and  an  active  finite  verb  (gegaderude)  in  L.  15.13. — See 
the  Note  on  the  Voice  of  the  Appositive  Participle  at  the  end 
of  Chapter  II,  and  of  the  Predicative  Participle  at  the  end  of 
Chapter  III. 

2.  The  Dative-Instrumental  Subject  Is  to  Be  Supplied  in 
the  following,  in  one  of  which  the  Latin  has  an  appositive,  not 
an  absolute,  participle: — Mk.  15.29a:  &  Sa  bifcerendum  gee- 
bolsadon  uel  ebolsande  hine  cserrende  heafda  hiora  &  cuoeftende 
=  Et  praetereuntes  blasphemabant  eum  mouentes  capita  sua  et 
dicentes  (Rushworth:  ib.j  W.  S. :  sfv.)  ; — L.  24.47:  sua?  were 

*  If  miS  is  considered  a  preposition  here,  we  have  an  appositive,  not  an 
absolute,  phrase;  but  I  consider  mi?S  an  adverb  here.  See  Note  3  below  and 
Note  1  under  "  The  Preterite  Participle." 


6  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

rehtlic  Saette  crist  ge(5rowade  &  eftarisa  from  deadum  (5irdda 
daege  &  Saette  were  abodenn  in  noma  his  hreonise  &  eftfor- 
gefnise  Sara  synna  in  allum  cynnum  ongmnendum  from  hie- 
rnsalem  =  sic  oportebat  christum  pati  et  resurgere  a  mortuis 
die  tertio  et  praedicari  in  nomine  eius  paenitentiam  et  remis- 
sionem  peccatorum  in  omnes  gentes  incipientibus  ab  hierosoly- 
ma; — J.  I.  6.1:  <5a  aeldo  mi(5  unsibsumnise  gedroefedo  uoeron 
soecendum  he  from  Saem  inlichtet  cySig  geworfrad  U83S 
=  pharisaeis  anxietate  turbatis  atqne  quaerentibus  ipse  ab 
inluminato  cognitus  adoratur  (Cook:  celdo,  ap. ;  soecendum,  dp., 
but  celdo  must  be  np.,  I  think). 

3.  A  Prepositional  Phrase  Plus  a  Present  Participle  in  the 
Dative-Instrumental  Translates  a  Latin  Ablative  Absolute 
Passive  in  Mat.  I.  3.1a:  we  gehehtun  Saet  of  dwm  ana  (5a  Soht 
gesegon  gecerde  uel  givixla  gemendum  Sa  aefterra  gewuna  we 
ondetaS  =  imperauimus  ut  his  tantum  quae  sensum  uide- 
bantur  mutare  correctis  reliqua  manere  pateremur.  Strictly 
according  to  our  definition,  of  course,  we  have  not  an  absolute 
clause  here ;  nor  does  the  clause  seem  to  be  appositive.  Since  it 
is  such  a  botch,  I  have  not  counted  the  clause  under  either 
head.  See  Note  1  above  and  Note  1  below,  p.  10.  I  consider 
the  Northumbrian  participle  Attributive  in  such  passages  as 
the  following,  in  which,  again,  a  Lindisfame  present  participle 
in  the  dative  corresponds  to  a  Latin  passive  participle  in  the 
ablative: — /.  11.41:  uutudlice  mid  hebbendum  upp  egum 
cuoe(5  —  autem  eleuatis  sursum  oculis  dixit;  ib.  17.1:  mid  un- 
derhebendum  egum  in  heofnum  cuoeS  =  subleuatis  oculis  in 
caelum  dixit.  In  this  use  of  the  present  participle  in  the 
dative  after  mid,  as  in  the  similar  use  of  the  preterite  parti- 
ciple in  the  dative  after  mid,  discussed  in  Note  1  below,  we 
doubtless  have  an  illustration  of  the  Germanic  striving  for  a 
method  of  translating  the  Latin  ablative  absolute  that  would 
not  do  violence  to  the  English  (Northumbrian)  idiom.  See 
the  discussion  of  the  West-Saxon  be  him  liflgendum  in  The 
Absolute  Participle   in  Anglo-Saxon,   pp.    42-44,    and   of  the 


The  Absolute  Participle  7 

Scandinavian  participial  dative  phrase  introduced  by  a  prepo- 
sition (usually  at  but  occasionally  med),  below,  in  Appendix  I. 

4.  An  Old  English  Dative-Instrumental  Absolute  Is  Made 
Up  of  a  Noun  and  an  Adjective  in  the  Dative  in  Mat.  I.  18.6a: 
in  eorSo  Sara  lioda  halgum  monnum  diobles  fara  Serhgelefde 
uel  sende  in  bergum  =  In  terra  genassenorum  sanatis  hominibus 
da?mones  ire  permittit  in  porcos.  For  the  same  idiom  in  West- 
Saxon,  see  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  44. 

5.  A  Dative-Instrumental  Participle  ivith  an  Uninflected 
Pronoun  Translates  a  Latin  Ablative  Absolute  in  L.  21.5 :  Sara 
sum  cuoedendum  of  temple  .  .  .  cuoe(5  =  quibusdam  dicenti- 
bus  de  templo  .  .  .  dixit. 

II.        THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE 

(33,  including  the  examples  in  the  Notes) 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  the  Absolute  Preterite  Participle 
ends,  in  the  singular,  oftenest  in  -ed  (masculine,  feminine,  and 
neuter),  less  frequently  in  -(e) ne  (masculine  and  neuter),  and 
occasionally  in  -eno  (masculine,  feminine,  and  neuter),  in  -de 
(neuter),  in  -edo  (-ado)  (feminine),  in  -t  (neuter),  in  -en 
(masculine),  in  -na  (feminine),  and  in  -ni  (masculine)  ;  in  the 
plural,  normally  in  -um  (masculine,  feminine,  and  neuter:  of 
strong  verbs  in  -num  and  of  weak  verbs  in  -dum),  occasionally 
in  -(e)no  (masculine  and  neuter)  and  in  -de  (feminine).  Con- 
cerning these  endings,  see  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  549,  552,  553, 
and  556.  As  indicated  below,  some  of  the  examples  are  ex- 
tremely doubtful.  When  no  ending  is  given  below,  -um  is  to 
be  understood. 

acuoeSa,  say  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  26.30:  efne  acwoedni  uteodon 
on  mor  =  hymno  dicto  exierunt  in  montem.  [Cook :  efne,  dsm. ; 
acwoedni,  dsm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549 :  dat.-inst.  sg.,  masc] 

ahebba,  lift  up  (1):  L.  (1) :  24.50. 

bega,  bend  (1)  :  Mh.  (1) :  10.17:  sum  oSer  cneuo  beged  fore 
bine  baedd  hine  =  quidam  genu  flexo  ante  eum  rogabat  eum. 


8  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

[Professor  Cook  makes  cneuo  dsn.,  but  does  not  assign  any  case 
to  beged.'] 

bityna,  close  (1):J.  (1) :  20.26. 

efnegeceiga,  call  together  (2):  Mh.  (1):  8.1. — L.  (1): 
23.13. 

forblawa,  blow  (1):  J.  (1):  6.18:  Se  sse  uutudlice  winde 
miclum  forblauene  ofstod  uel  aras  =  mare  autem  uento  magno 
flante  exsurgebat. 

forcu(m)ma,  become  dry  or  hard  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  21.26. 

fordrifa,  drive  out,  eject  (2):  Mat.  (1):  I.  18.11:  ten 
dumbe  tunga  fodrifen  uel  gescyfen  diubol  —  (blank)  = 
muto  linguam  eiecto  dcemone  reddit.  [Diubol  may  be  nomina- 
tive here,  as  is  claimed  by  Professor  Cook;  if  so,  fordrifen  is 
predicate  nominative  or  absolute  nominative  instead  of  unin- 
flected  dative-instrumental.]  Mh.   (1) :  5.40. 

foresetta,  propose  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  19.12b:  striones  bisen 
uel  meregrotta  bigetna  efennise  foresetna  gelic  Son  bisin  of 
segna  fiscum  hine  gehriordum  ofgessede  =  Thesauri  uel  mar- 
garitse  repertae  comparatione  proposita  similiter  parabolam  de 
saginae  piscibus  se  prandis  (=  separandis)  exponit.  [Cook: 
efennise,  "  ns.  ?  "  foresetna,  "  apn.  ?  "  But  I  do  not  see  why 
the  noun  may  not  be  considered  dative-instrumental  singular. 
The  participle  is  perhaps  apn.,  proposita  being  mistaken  for  the 
nominative  plural  neuter  instead  of  the  ablative  singular  femi- 
nine.    Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  551,  makes  the  participle  apn.,  also.] 

forleta,  leave,  dismiss  (4):  Mat.  (1):  13.36. — Mh.  (1)  : 
1.18. — L.  (2) :  5.11:  underlseded  woeron  to  eor(5o  scioppo  for- 
letno  allum  gefyligde  weron  hine  =  subductis  ad  terram  nauibus 
relictis  omnibus  secuti  sunt  ilium.  [Professor  Cook  makes  for- 
letno  "  npn.  ?  "  here,  but  dpm.  in  the  next  passage  that  I  quote. 
To  me,  the  two  passages  hang  together.  Dr.  Carpenter,  I.  c,  § 
550,  considers  forletno  in  L.  5.11  as  napn.  He  does  not  cite  L. 
5.28.]  L.  5.28:  forleorte  uel  miS8y  allum  forletno  aras  fyl- 
gende  waes  him  =  relictis  omnibus  surgens  secutus  est  eum. 

(ge)bega,  bend  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  27.29a:  cnew  gebeged  bifora 
him  bismeredon  =  genu  flexu  ante  eum  inludebant.      [Cook: 


The  Absolute  Participle  9 

cnew,  ds. ;  gebeged  not  classified.  See  Carpenter,  I.  c,  p.  253, 
who  seems  to  consider  that  the  participle  is  used  absolutely  here 
although  he  assigns  no  particular  case  thereto.] 

(ge)binda,  bind  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  22.13. 

(ge)bringa,  bring  (1):  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  3.10:  sende  twoelfe 
boderes  miS  bodum  laereS  gebroht  gefea  haelo  uel  halra  = 
Mittens  duodecim  pradicaturos  praeceptis  instruit  conlata  gratia 
sanitatuni.  [Cook :  gefea,  nsn.  here  though  cited  as  ds.  for  other 
passages;  gebroht,  pp.;  but  see  Carpenter,  I.  c.,  p.  253,  who 
seems  to  consider  that  the  participle  is  used  absolutely  here 
although  he  assigns  no  particular  case  thereto.] 

(ge)cuoeSa,  say,  speak  (1)  :  /.  (1):  I.  1.13:  gecuedne 
cri-ste  =  dicente  christo. 

(ge)drysn(i)a,  extinguish,  end  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  3.4a:  biS 
said  Ssette  gode  on  god  full  &  sune  selenis  gedrysned  uel  geendad 
gebed  apostolum  gewordne  mi(5  hlod  drihtnes  gecorenes  tal  = 
datur  ut  deo  in  deum  pleno  et  filio  proditionis  extincto  (sic) 
oratione  apostolis  facta  sorte  domini  electionis  numerus. 
[Cook :  gedrysned,  pp. ;  gebed,  dsn. ;  Carpenter :  not  cited.] 

(ge)hera,  hear  (1):  Mat.  (1):  15.12:  wast  forSon  aeldor- 
menn  geherde  word  uel  gehered  wses  word  geondspyrnede  weron 
uel  aron  ?  =  scis  quia  pharisaei  audito  uerbo  scandalizati  sunt  ? 
[ Geherde  may  be  indicative  preterite ;  it  is  not  cited  by  Cook  for 
this  passage.     Carpenter  does  not  cite  geherde  as  a  participle.] 

gesparriga,  close,  shut  (1):  Mat.  (1):  Q.d:  &  gesparrado 
dure  Sin  gebidd  f aeder  Sinne  =  et  clauso  ostio  tuo  ora  patrem 
tuum.  [Cook:  gesparrado,  "  dsn.  ?  "  dure,  dsf. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§553,  anm.  3:  "In  gesparrado  dure  Sin,  Mi.  6.6  (=  clauso 
ostio  tuo)  sind  kasus  und  genus  schwer  zu  bestimmen."] 

(ge)Sreatiga,  rebuke  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  2.16. 

(ge)waelta,  bend  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  17.14:  geneolecde  to  him 
monn  cneum  gewoelteno  before  hine  cueS  =  accessit  ad  eum 
homo  genibus  prouolutis  ante  eum.  [Cook:  cneum,  dpn. ; 
gewoelteno,  pp.  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  556,  anm.  2,  makes  gewoelteno 
here  napn.] 

ofgemearciga,  designate  (1)  :  L.  (1):  I.  6.14:  ofgemcercade 


10  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

asc  oSrum  tusem  &  unseofontigum  deadum  sile(5  bodo  =  Desig- 
natis  et  aliis  Ixx  duobus  dat  praecepta.  [Ofgemcercade  may  be 
indicative  preterite,  3rd  sg.,  as  Professor  Cook  holds.  Carpenter 
does  not  cite  ofgemcercade  as  a  participle.] 

onsetta,  place  upon  (1) :  Mk.  (1)  :  8.23.  [Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§  556,  amnk.  2,  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  in  onsetnum  we 
have  an  analogical  strong  dative  plural  instead  of  the  expected 
weak  form.] 

underlseda,  put  down  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  3.12 :  miSSy  Sonne 
<5a  regnlas  (5u  redes  (5a  underbeged  uel  under(5iodid  arun  (5ses 
sceomaes  uel  telnisses  dwala  underlaeded  =  cum  itaque  canones 
legeris  qui  subiecti  sunt  confussionis  (sic)  errore  sublato. 
[Cook:  dwala,  dsm. ;  underlaeded,  pp.  Carpenter  does  not  cite 
underlceded  as  a  participle.] 

unforleta,  not  to  leave  (1):  Mk.  (1):  12.20:  dead  wses 
unforletne  sed  =  mortuus  est  non  relicto  semen.  [Rushw. :  ib.; 
W.  S. :  na  Icefedwm  scede. — Cook:  unforletne,  adj.  ptc.  in  dsn., 
but  sed,  asn. — Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549 :  unforletne,  disn. — 
Clearly  the  erroneous  form  of  the  Lindisfarne  noun  (sed)  is 
due  to  the  erroneous  form  of  the  Latin  original  (semen) .] 

untuna  (untyna),  open  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  4.4b:  miS  (5y 
wutedlice  untuned  hoc  swse  o(5re  bisen  (5set  uel  Sa?t  forecwide 
gewite  (5u  welle  =  Cum  igitur  aperto  codice  uerbi  gratia  illud 
siue  illud  capitulum  scire  uolueris.  [Boc  may  be  nominative, 
as  is  held  by  Professor  Cook ;  if  so,  untuned  is  predicate  nomi- 
native or  absolute  nominative.  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  455,  however, 
gives  hoc  as  one  form  of  the  dative,  but  not  for  this  passage.  He 
does  not  cite  untuned  as  a  participle.] 

WOrSa,  become,  be  made  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  18.18. 

NOTES 

1.  A  Prepositional  Phrase  Plus  a  Preterite  Participle  in 
the  Dative-Instrumental  Translates  a  Latin  Ablative  Absolute 
in  Mat.  I.  17.12 :  micles  beames  to  uel  mid  efennisse  gewordeno 
lsera(5  =  trabis  comparatione  facta  docet.  [Cook :  efenisse,  dsf. ; 
gewordeno,  "  nsf.  (nfn.  ?)  ;  "  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549 :  "  In  Mt. 


The  Absolute  Participle  .  1 1 

Pr.  17.12  to  uel  mid  efennisse  gewordeno  (c'omparatione  facta) 
ist  der  Kasus  schwer  festzustellen."  Personally  I  am  inclined 
to  consider  to  or  wid  as  an  organic  part  of  the  noun  and  to 
write  toefennisse  (or  'wid efennisse)  ;  in  which  case  we  should 
have  a  true  dative-instrumental  absolute.  Similarly,  in  the 
following  passage,  I  should  read  midceping  as  one  word  and 
consider  that  we  have  an  absolute  dative-instrumental:  L.  I. 
5.2 :  hia  lycedon  ...  of  fsestern  forbodeno  (5a?m  brydgum  aec 
woedes  &  wines  niwes  mid  ceping  becuoeS  =  murmurantes  .  .  . 
de  ieiunio  athibita  sponsi  et  uestimenti  ac  uini  noui  compara- 
tione  redarguit.  [Cook:  forbodeno,  ns. ;  ceping,  dsfn. ;  Car- 
penter, I.  c,  §  549,  anmk.  1 :  "In  L.  Pr.  5.2,  forbodeno  (  = 
athibita)  liegt  vielleicht  nsf.  oder  npn.  vor.  Cook  halt  die  letzten 
3  fur  nsf."]  In  both  of  these  examples,  mid  and  to  seem  to 
me  to  be  suggested  by  com  in  comparatione.  I  count  these  two 
examples.  On  the  other  hand,  I  consider  that  the  Northum- 
brian participle  is  used  Attributively  in  passages  like  the  fol- 
lowing, in  which,  also,  the  phrase  is  introduced  by  a  preposition 
(mid): — Mk.  I.  4.15c:  haedno  forebeadend  gelicad  uel  gebis 
hersumnise  mid  bisene  cedeawed  =  gentiles  prohibens  imi- 
tandos  humilitatis  exemplo  monstrato ;  ib.  14.26:  mid  sua 
cuoednum  wordum  (5ona  foerdon  on  mor  =  liymno  dicto  ex- 
ierunt  in  montem ;  ib.  I.  3.1a:  <5egnas  to  bodanne  miS  word 
mid  gebrohtum  mcehtum  sendeS  =  discipulos  ad  praedicandnm 
uerbo  conlatis  uirtutibus  mittet  (possibly  mid  and  gebrohtum 
should  be  written  as  one  word,  in  which  case  the  participle 
would  be  used  Absolutely)  ;  ib.  6.5 :  untrymigo  mid  onsetnum 
hondum  gegemde  uel  gehaelde  =  infirmos  inpositis  manibus 
curauit; — L.  I.  7.5a:  Sone  dumba  diulas  mid  dy  geboette 
gemeS  dcet  spree  =  Mutum  daemonia  cum  restituto  curat 
eloquio  (possibly  we  should  read  middy  as  one  word  and 
consider  it  a  conjunction?);  ib.  I.  6.2:  mid  gebroehtum 
moehtum  sende(5  tuoelfum  =  Conlatis  uirtutibus  mittit  duo- 
decim  (see  note  on  Mk.  I.  3.1a  above);  ib.  I.  4.8:  Srittig 
wintra  mid  dio  gefuulivad  drihtne  Srinise  on  fulwiht  assegdnise 
tosceaded  is  =  triginta  annorum  baptizato  domino  trinitatis  in 


12  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarae  Gospels 

baptismo  niysterium  declarator;  ib.  22.41:  mid  gesetnum  cne- 
oum  gebsed  =  positis  genibus  orabat ;  ib.  I.  9.6a:  e(5nise  &  gese- 
teno  mid  bisene  from  esne  herende  uel  foedende  lsereS  =  f  acul- 
tatem  positaque  similitudine  de  seruo  arante  uel  pascente  docet ; 
ib.  10.30a:  mid  wundum  onsettenum  fromfoerdon  half  cwic  uel 
lifigiende  forleten  =  plagis  impositis  abierunt  semiuiuo  re- 
licto; — /.  19.30:  raid  gebegdum  heafde  gesalde  (5set  gast  =  in- 
clinato  capite  tradidit  spiritum.  On  the  borderline  between  the 
Attributive  and  the  Appositive  use,  but  leaning  more  to  the 
latter,  is  the  participle  in  the  following: — L.  I.  4.13:  eftaswgd 
so(51ice  uel  sec  (5io  widua  of  serapta  uel  (5a3s  licSroueres  neman 
syri  raid  clamsunge  (5aette  (5erh  middum  hiora  .  .  .  oferfoerde 
assegd  is  =  relata  etiam  uidua  de  serapta  uel  leprosi  neman  siri 
mundatione  quod  per  medium  eorum  qui  eum  de  monte  prsecipi- 
tare  uolebant  transierit  indicatur;  ib.  I.  3.4b:  bi[(5  said  (5gette 
gode  on  god  full  &  sune  selenis  gedrysned  uel  geendad  gebed 
apostolum  gewordne  mid  Mod  drihtnes  gecorenes  tal  =  datur  ut 
deo  in  deum  pleno  et  filio  proditionis  extincto  oratione  apostolis 
facta  sorte  domini  electionis  numerus  etc.  [Cook:  gewordae, 
dsn. ;  Mod,  dsn ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  540 :  gewordne,  dative-instru- 
mental, sn.]  In  L.  I.  9.14a,  the  phrase  is  introduced  by  the 
preposition  of,  and  again  the  participle  is  more  probably  Ap- 
positive than  Attributive:  of  gebed  Sees  aalaruas  on  temple  & 
bsersynnig  foregesettet  laereS  ne  to  worpanne  (5a  merdo  ah  to 
ondetende  (sic)  synno  =  Oratione  pharisaei  in  templo  et  publi- 
cani  proposita  docet  non  iactanda  merita  sed  confitenda  peccata. 
— See  Note  3  above,  under  "  The  Present  Participle." 

2.  An  Old  English  Dative-Instrumental  Absolute  Is  Made 
Up  of  a  Noun  and  an  Adjective  in  the  Dative,  possibly,  in  L.  I. 
8.14:  laSum  (5a  nedlicnm  mi(5  Son  &  sauel  his  &  ondfenge  rode 
gefylgendo  woero  (5aet  gelic  getimbrendes  torres  &  of  gefeht 
cyninga  tuoege  gesceadeS  =  Oditnris  necessitudines  insuper  et 
animam  suam  et  assumta  cruce  secuturi  similitudinem  aedifi- 
candae  turris  et  de  bello  regum  duorum  exponit  (Cook:  ond- 
fenge, not  cited  for  this  passage;  rode,  dsf.). 


The  Ah  solute  Participle  13 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

That  the  Dative-Instrumental  Absolute  here  in  the  Northum- 
brian, as  in  the  West-Saxon,  is  due  to  Latin  influence  is  evident. 
(1)  The  dative-instrumental  translates  a  Latin  ablative  absolute 
in  all  cases  except  two  (Mb.  15.29a  and  L.  I.  5.13,  in  each  of 
which  the  Latin  has  an  appositive  participle).  (2)  In  the  ma- 
jority of  instances  (157  out  of  a  total  of  249  or  in  the  ratio  of 
1.58  to  1,  for  the  Isindisfarne  Gospels  as  a  whole),  the  Latin 
absolute  construction  is  rendered  otherwise  than  by  an  absolute 
participle  in  the  Northumbrian,  usually  6  by  a  co-ordinated 
finite,  verb  (about  74  times)  or  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb 
(about  70  times),  or  in  the  ratio  of  1.057  to  1,  whereas  in  the 
West-Saxon  Gospels  the  subordinated  finite  verb  is  somewhat 
more  common  than  the  co-ordinated,  the  proportion  being  1.19 
to  1.  Despite  this  divergence,  both  glossator  and  translator  are 
true  to  the  native  English  idiom  of  finite  verb  instead  of  parti- 
ciple. (3)  The  idiom  in  West  Saxon  and  probably  in  the 
Germanic  languages  as  a  whole  was  borrowed  from  the  Latin. 
See  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  31  ff. 

APPENDIX   I 

THE    ABSOLUTE    DATIVE    IN    THE    OTHER    GERMANIC    LANGUAliKS 

Since  the  publication  of  my  monograph  on  The  Absolute  Par- 
ticiple in  Anglo  Saxon  in  1889,  in  which  (pp.  31-36)  I  gave  a 
brief  discussion  of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Germanic  Ian 
guages  other  than  Anglo-Saxon,  there  have  appeared  a  number 
of  works  dealing,  usually  incidentally,  with  the  Absolute  Con- 
struction in  the  Germanic  languages  exclusive  of  English.  The 
more  important  of  these  treatises  I  mention  in  the  following  sec- 
tions as  I  take  up  each  group  of  languages. 

*  In  the  remaining  13  examples,  the  Latin  absolute  participle  is  rendered 
by  a  prepositional  phrase,  6  times;  by  an  appositive  participle,  3  times; 
by  a  noun  in  an  oblique  case,  twice;  by  an  infinitive,  once;  and  once  it  is 
omitted. 


14  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

To  begin  with  the  Gothic,  the  noteworthy  treatises  dealing 
with  the  Absolute  Dative  that  have  been  published  since  1889 
are  as  follows :  Professor  Heinrich  Winkler's  Germanische 
Casussyntax,  i,  Berlin,  1896,  pp.  118-140;  Professor  Berthold 
Delbriiek's  Vergleichende  Syntax  der  Indogermanischen 
Sprachen,  Vol.  iv,  Part  2,  Strassburg,  1897,  pp.  495-496 ;  Pro- 
fessors Oskar  Erdmann  and  Otto  Mensing's  7  Grundzuge  der 
Deutschen  Syntax,  Vol.  n,  Stuttgart,  1898,  §  312  ;  Dr.  M.  J. 
van  der  Meer's  Gotische  Casussyntaxis,  Leiden,  1901,  §  95  ;  Dr. 
Ant.  Beer's8  Kleine  Beitrdge  zur  Gotischen  Syntax:  I.  Der 
Absolute  Dativ  (a  reprint  from  the  Sitzungsberichte  der  Konig- 
Uchen  Bohmischen  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  for  1904),' 
Prag,  1904 ;  Dr.  H.  Stolzenburg's  "  Die  Uebersetzungstechnik 
des  Wulfila  Untersucht  auf  Grund  der  Bibelfragmente  des 
Codex  Argenteus,"  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur  Deutsche  Philologie, 
xxxvn,  1905,  pp.  178-179 ;  Professor  Wilhelm  Streitberg's 
Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  Dritte  und  Vierte  Verbesserte  Aim., 
Heidelberg,  1910,  §  260 ;  Professor  Joseph  Wright's  Grammar 
of  the  Gothic  Language,  Oxford,  1910,  §  436 ;  and  Dr.  J.  M.  N. 
Kapteijn's  "  Die  Uebersetzungstechnik  der  Gotischen  Bibel  in 
den  Paulinischen  Briefen,"  in  Indogermanische  Forschungen, 
xxix,  1911,  p.  330. 

As  before  1889,  so  in  these  later  discussions,  two  views  as  to 
the  dative  absolute  construction  in  Gothic  are  advocated.  The 
one  school  holds  that  the  construction  was  independently  devel- 
oped in  the  Germanic  languages,  and  that  the  Greek  influence 
was  secondary  only.  Substantially 9  this  view  is  held  by 
Messrs.  Winkler,  Streitberg,  van  der  Meer,  and  Beer,10  and  has 

7  Though  usually  listed  under  both  names,  as  here,  the  second  volume  is 
exclusively  by  Dr.  Mensing. 

8  In  this  article  Dr.  Beer  announced  that  he  was  shortly  to  publish 
another  article  on  the  Absolute  Participle  in  Gothic;  if  it  has  appeared, 
it  has  escaped  me. 

9  Slight  differences  are  purposely  ignored  here. 

10  Perhaps  I  should  add  here  the  name  of  Professor  Hans  Naumann,  who, 
in  his  Kurze  Historische  Syntax  der  Deutschen  Sprache,  Strassburg,  1915, 
p.  14,  holds  that  probably  the  Dative  Absolute  was  independently  devel- 


The  Absolute  Participle  15 

been  succinctly  stated  by  Professor  Streitberg,  I.  c,  §  260 : 
"  Der  Dativus  absolutus.  Wir  konnen  die  Entwickhmg  der 
dativischen  Partizipialkonstruktion,  die  man  als  die  absolute 
bezeichnet,  noch  deutlich  verfolgen.  Den  Ausgangspunkt 
bilden  Satze  wie  qimandin  pan  in  garda  duatiddjedun  imma 
pai  blindans  =  £\66vti  els  ttjv  oiKiav  Trpoar)\dov  avra>  ol  rv<f)\o{ 
M.  9,  28. — Hier  hangt  der  pronominale  Dativ  regelrecht  vom 
Verb  ab  und  ist  von  einem  partizipialen  Attribut  begleitet. 
Sind  Partizipium  und  Pronomen  weit  voneinander  getrennt,  so 
kann  zur  Erhohung  der  Deutlichkeit  das  Pronomen  nochmals 
zum  Partizip  hinzugefiigt  werden,  vgl.  innatgaggandin  imma  in 
Kafarnaum  duatiddja  imma  hundafaf>s  =  ela-eXdovri  avrw 
TrpoarjXdev  avTa>  eKarovrapx0^  M.  8,5.  Diese  bequeme  Konstruk- 
tion  wendet  nun  der  Ubersetzer  mit  Vorliebe  an,  urn  den  griech. 
Genitiv  absol.  wiederzugeben.  Meist,  doch  nicht  immer  ist  eine 
Beziehung  des  iibergeordneten  Verbs  zum  Subjekt  des  Gen. 
abs.  vorhanden ;  sie  fehlt  ganz  L.  3,  1  Rj  9,  lk5,  3.  Die  Grund- 
lage  dieser  Dativkonstruktion  mag  germanisch  sein,  da  auch 
das  ISTordische  sie  kennt,  vgl.  Grimm,  Gramm.  4,  1090  Neu- 
druck;  ihre  got.  Ausgestaltung  steht  jedoch  sichtlich  unter 
griech.  Einfluss.  Vgl.  Liicke  S.  19  ff.,  Winkler  118  ff.,  v.  d. 
Meer,  216  ff.,  A.  Beer  Kl.  Beitrage  zur  got.  Syntax  (Bohm. 
Ges.  d.  W.,  phil.  KL,  1904,  Nr.  xin)." — It  is  true  that,  as  Pro- 
fessor Streitberg  states,  the  dative  absolute  is  found  in  Old 
Norse;  but,  as  we  shall  see  in  our  next  section,  it  is  now  gen- 
erally considered  an  importation  into  Old  Norse  from  the  Latin. 
The  other  school,  on  the  contrary,  holds  that  foreign  influence 
(in  the  Gothic  the  Greek  and  in  the  other  Germanic  languages 
the  Latin)  was  paramount,  and  that  the  native  influence  of 
whatever  sort  was  secondary  only ;  in  a  word,  that  the  Germanic 
languages  borrowed  the  dative  absolute  from  the  classical  lan- 
oped  in  Gothic,  but  that  it  was  borrowed  from  the  Latin  in  Old  High 
German.  As  the  grounds  of  Professor  Naumann's  belief  in  the  native 
origin  of  this  construction  in  Gothic  are  substantially  identical  with  those 
of  Professor  Streitberg,  I  content  myself  with  quoting  the  fuller  statement 
of  the  latter,  as  given  above. 


16  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

guages  (Greek  or  Latin).  Substantially  this  view  is  held  by 
Messrs.  Delbriick,  Stolzenburg,  and  Wright;11  and  it  is  hap- 
pily stated  by  Professor  Delbriick,  I.  c,  pp.  495  f. :  "  Der  abso- 
lute Dativ  ini  Gotischen  ist  in  etwas  iiber  zwanzig  Fallen  be- 
zeugt,  z.  B.  nauhpan  imma  rodjandin  gaggip  sums  manne  = 
en  avrov  \a\ovvros  epx^rai  Tt?  Luk.  8,  49.,  paruh  nauhpan 
duatgaggandin  imma  gabrak  ina  sa  unhulpa  =  ert  8e  irpoo-- 
epxo^evov  avrov  epprj^ev  avrov  haip,6viov  Luk.  9,  42 ;  andanahtja 
pan  vaurpanamma  .  .  .  oerun  du  imma  =  oi/rta?  he  <yevop,4vri<; 
efapov  7r/oo<?  avrov  Mark  1,  32.  Es  fragt  sich,  ob  wir  hierin 
eine  ursprunglich  germanische  Wendung  oder  Nachahmung  des 
Griechischen  zu  erkennen  haben.  Fiir  die  letztere  Annahme 
spricht,  wie  0.  Liicke  in  seiner  lesenwertihen  Abhandlung 
'  Absolute  Partizipia  im  Gotischen  und  ihr  Verhaltnis 
zum  griechischen  Original'  (Magdeburg,  1876)  ausfuhrt, 
zunachst  der  Umstand,  dass  Ulfilas  nirgends  einen  absoluten 
Dativ  braucht,  ausser  wo  seine  Vorlage  ihn  aufforderte  (1. 
Kor.  11,  4  und  Luk.  9.  34  bot  der  lateinische  Text  den 
Anlass),  sodann  die  Thatsache,  dass  der  Schriftsteller  der 
Anwendung  dieser  Konstruktion  sichtlich  aus  dem  Wege  geht, 
und  endlich  der  Zustand  in  den  verwandten  Dialekten.  Der 
Heliand  namlich  kennt  die  absolute  Partizipia  garnicht,  im 
Angelsachsischen  ist  der  absolute  Dativ  wie  Morgan  Callaway 
(the  absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Baltimore,  1899)  ge- 
zeigt  hat,  nur  da  vorhanden,  wo  lateinische  Vorbilder  den  Abl. 
abs.  darboten,  im  Altnordischen  und  Althochdeutschen  gilt  er 
ebenfalls  als  Eindringling.    Diese  Griinde  sprechen  entschieden 

11 1  am  not  certain  as  to  the  position  of  Professor  Wright;  he  merely 
says,  I.e.,  §436:  "The  Dative  of  the  participles  is  often  used  absolutely 
like  the  ablative  in  Latin,  and  the  gen.  in  Greek."  Nor  am  I  sure  as  to 
the  view  of  Dr.  Mensing,  who,  §  312,  seems  to  halt  between  the  two  schools; 
or  of  Dr.  Kapteijn,  who  does  not  express  an  opinion  as  to  the  origin  of 
the  absolute  construction  in  Gothic,  but  who  attributes  in  general  more 
originality  to  Ulfilas  than  does  Dr.  Stolzenburg,  and  who  would  probably 
fall  in  group  1; — a  natural  result  of  considering,  as  Dr.  Kapteijn  (p.  260) 
tells  us  he  does,  only  the  passages  in  which  Ulfilas  varies  from  his  Greek 
original.  Dr.  R.  Lenk,  in  "  Die  Syntax  der  Skeireins,"  p.  292,  holds  that 
the  dative  absolute  in  Gothic  is  partly  of  native  and  partly  of  Greek 
origin 


The  Absolute  Participle  17 

fur  die  Fremdheit  der  Konstruktion.  Ich  mochte  aber  an- 
nehmen,  dass  diejenigen,  welche  sich  ihrer  bedienten,  doch  an 
Wendungen  ankniipfen  konnten,  welche  ihr  Sprachgefiihl  ihnen 
darbot.  Und  zwar  war  das  zunachst  moglich  bei  dem  person- 
lichen  Dativ.  Wenn  es  Mark  5,  35,  heisst  naulxpanuk  imma 
rodjandin  quemun  =  en  avrov  \o\ovvto<;  ep^ovrai,  so  sehe  ich 
nicht  ein,  warum  rodjandin  nicht  ebensogut  Dativ  der  betheil- 
igten  Person  sein  soil,  wie  etwa  der  Dativ  in  dem  griechischen 
Satze  fJLvpofievoicri  8e  rolcri  (fxzvrj  po8o8d,KTv\o$  'Ha>?  ty  109  (vgl.  1, 
299).  An  solche  Vorbilder  kann  man  sich  bei  dem  Versuch, 
die  abs.  Genitive  widerzugeben,  soweit  sie  Personen  bezeichnen, 
recht  wohl  angelehnt  haben.  Anders  diirfte  es  sich  mit  den 
zahlreichen  Zeitangaben  verhalten.  Es  konnten  darin  Lokative 
von  Zeitbegriffen  vorliegen  (vgl.  1,  225)  zu  denen  ein  Parti- 
zipium  hinzugefiigt  ist. — Eine  andere  Art,  den  griech.  Gen.  abs. 
wiederzugeben,  ist  at  mit  dem  Partiz.,  z.  B.  jah  sunsaiv  nauh- 
panuh  at  imma  rodjandin  qam  Judas  =  teal  evdecos,  ert  avrov 
XaXovvTos,  irapaytveraL  Mark  14,  43  ;  atiddjedun  du  pamma 
hlaiva  at  urrinnandin  sunnin  =  epftovrai  eVi  to  /xvwueiov  avarei- 
\avros  tov  rjXiov  Mark  16,  2.  Dieselbe  Ausdracksweise  liegt  nach 
Grimm  4,  906  vereinzelt  in  der  Edda  vor.  Offenbar  ist  es  un- 
richtig  zu  sagen,  die  Proposition  sei  der  absoluten  Partizipial- 
konstruktion  vorgetreten.  Vielmehr  hat  man  in  der  Wendung 
mit  at  einen  zweiten  Versuch  zur  Wiedergabe  der  absoluten 
Konstruktion  zu  erblicken,  und  also  wortgetreu  (aber  freilich 
nicht  sinngetreu)  zu  iibersetzen:  '  bei  ihm,  als  er  noch  redete,' 
d.  h.  so  viel  als :  '  wahrend  er  noch  redete.' ' 

As  in  1889,  I  believe  that  Dr.  O.  Liicke  was  right  in  claim- 
ing that  the  Absolute  Dative  in  Gothic  was  borrowed  from  the 
Greek ;  but  I  now  think,  also,  that  the  secondary  native  influ- 
ence, as  stated  by  Professor  Delbriick,  was  unduly  minimized 
both  by  Dr.  Liicke  and  by  me.  And  it  has  long  seemed  to  me 
that,  as  declared  by  Professor  Delbriick,  the  advocates  of  the 
native  origin  of  this  construction  in  Gothic  allowed  too  little 
weight  to  the  fact  that  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole 
the  absolute  construction  is  relatively  rare,  and  that  in  one 
(Old  Saxon)  it  is  unknown. 

2 


18  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

On  the  Dative  Absolute  in  Old  Norse,  also,  several  treatises 
that  have  appeared  since  1889  make  noteworthy  contributions. 
The  more  important  are  Professors  H.  Falk  and  A.  Torp's 
Dansk-N  orskens  Syntax  i  Historisk  Fremstilling,  Kristiania, 
1900,  pp.  221-223,  and  Professor  M.  Nygaard's  two  works: 
"  Den  Lserde  Stil  i  den  Norr0ne  Prosa  "  in  the  S  pro  glig -Hist  o- 
rishe  Studier  Tilegnede  Prof.  C.  R.  linger,  1896  (=  Nygaard  2), 
pp.  157-158,  and  his  Norr0n  Syntax,  Kristiania,  1906  (=  Ny- 
gaard3),  §  229.  Two  important  works  dealing  with  the  abso- 
lute dative  in  Old  Norse  that  appeared  before  1889,  but  that 
were  then  unknown  to  me  are  G.  F.  V.  Lund's  Oldnordisk 
Ordfopiingslcere,  K0benhavn,  1862,  and  Professor  M.  Ny- 
gaard's  "  Om  Brugen  af  det  Saakaldte  Praesens  Particip 
i  Oldnorsk,"  in  Aarbpger  for  Nordisk  Oldkyndighed  og  His- 
torie  for  1879  (=  Nygaard1),  pp.  203-228.  Lund's  statement, 
I.  c,  §  54,  does  not  make  it  clear  to  me  whether  he  considered 
the  absolute  dative  in  Old  Norse  to  be  due  to  foreign  influence 
or  not :  "  Dobbelt  hensynsform  bruges  for  at  betegne  samme  f or- 
hold  som  den  latinske  ablativus  consequentiae  (Madv.  lat.  sp. 
§  277)  og  den  grseske  dobbelt  ejeform,  ssedvanlig  med  tilfojelse 
af  at  (hvilket  dog  nseppe  er  den  oprindelige  udtryksmade),  dog 
ogsa  uden  dette."  Professor  Nygaard,  however,  comes  out 
squarely  for  the  Latin  influence  on  the  origin  of  the  dative  abso- 
lute construction  without  a  preposition,  though  he  correctly 
observes  that  the  native  influence  is  shown  in  the  phrase  made 
up  of  a  preposition  12  (usually  at)  plus  the  dative  of  a  noun  and 
of  a  participle.  His  statement  concerning  the  latter  locution 
is  as  follows  (Nvgaard,1  p.  207) :  "  Saerskilt  mserkes,  at  part, 
stundom  f0ies  appositivt  til  et  nomen,  der  styres  af  praep. 
at  (isser  forat  udtrykke  tid)  saaledes,  at  part,  med  nominet 
smelter  sammen  til  et  begreb,  og  udtrykket  bliver  at  over- 
saette  enten  ved  til  nominet  i  eieform  at  fole  et  verbal- 
substantiv  eller  ved  en  tidsssetning,  hvori  subjektet  gjengiver 
nominet  og  praedikatet  participiet.     Dette  udtryk,  der  oprin- 

u  Concerning  the  analogous  West-Saxon  idiom  of  be  him  lifigendum  etc., 
see  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  42-44. 


The  Absolute  Participle  19 

delig  vistnok  er  i  overensstemmelse  med  sprogets  egne  analogier, 
bliver  i  latiniserende  sprogbrug  et  bekvemt  middel  til  at  gj  en- 
give  den  latinske  absolute  ablativ."  He  then  cites  as  examples 
of  this  idiom: — Kgs.  174.33:  at  hanum  lifanda  ("  i  hans  leve- 
tid,"  "  medens  han  lever");  Harb.  58:  at  uppverandi  solu 
("  medens  sol  er  oppe  ").  Concerning  the  first  idiom,  the  real 
dative  absolute  and,  therefore,  without  a  preposition,  Professor 
Nygaard1  writes  (p.  207)  :  "  Staerkest  viser  sig  den  latinske 
paavirkning,  naar  udtrykket  gaar  over  til  en  absolut  dativ  uden 
prsep."  Of  this  idiom  he  gives  this  illustration: — Eids.  22: 
f>oat  hjun  segi  skilit  millim  sin,  pa  ma  hvarki  (?eira  ser  til  for- 
rseSi  leita  badwm  f>eim  lifandum.  Professor  Nygaard's  earliest 
statement  concerning  this  idiom,  just  quoted,  was  reaffirmed  in 
1895,  in  his  "  Den  Lserde  Stil  i  den  Non-one  Prosa,"  p.  158, 
and  in  1906,  in  his  Norr0n  Syntax,  §  229,  Anm.  2,  which  latter 
I  quote:  "  Til  et  nomen,  der  er  styret  af  en  prsep.  (isser  at), 
kan  prses.  part.  f0ies  i  app.  for  at  udtrykke  et  samtidigt  forhold 
eller  en  ledsagende  omstsendighed.  I  F.  S.13  forekommer  endel 
udtryk  af  denne  art  som  tidsbetegnelse.  .  .  .  I  L.  S.14  ogsaa 
for  at  betegne  andre  forholde.  .  .  .  Ved  paavirkning  af  latinsk 
absolut  ablativ  bruges  i  L.  S.  paa  samme  maade  ogsaa  dativ  uden 
prsep."  To  the  same  purport  is  the  statement  of  Professors 
Falk  and  Torp,  I.  c,  p.  221.  After  stating  that  the  dative  abso- 
lute in  Gothic  is  borrowed  from  the  classical  languages  (Greek), 
they  add  concerning  Old  Norse:  "I  samme  retning  gaar  old- 
norskens  vidnesbyrd,  idet  her  den  absolute  dativ  uden  proposi- 
tion udelukkende  tilh0rer  den  oversatte  litteratur  (som  de  fra 
oldfransk  oversatte  '  Strengleikar ')  og  senere  retsdokumenter ; 
ogsaa  her  har  da  vistnok  fremmede  forbilleder  vaeret  be- 
btemmende." 

If  I  have  dwelt  long  on  the  absolute  dative  in  the  Scandi- 
navian languages,  it  is  partly  because  I  gave  so  little  about  the 
construction  in  these  languages  in  1889,  and  partly  because,  as 
already  stated  incidentally  in  my  discussion  of  the  absolute  con- 

13  F.  S.=  Folkelig  Stil,  '  popular  style.' 
"  L.  S.  =  Lard  Stil,  '  learned  style.' 


20  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

struction  in  Gothic,  so  distinguished  a  scholar  as  Professor 
Streitberg  as  recently  as  1910  declared  that  the  occurrence  of 
the  absolute  dative  in  Old  iSTorse  was  one  ground  for  believing 
that  the  absolute  construction  is  a  native  Germanic  idiom. 
With  all  due  respect  to  Professor  Streitberg,  it  seems  to  me  that, 
on  the  contrary,  all  that  we  know  about  the  absolute  construction 
in  Old  Norse  tends  to  show  that  the  dative  absolute  was  not  a 
native  Germanic  idiom,  but  was  a  foreign  importation. 

This  conviction  will  be  strengthened,  I  believe,  by  a  brief  con- 
sideration of  the  chief  treatises  dealing  with  the  Dative  Abso- 
lute in  High  German  that  have  been  published  since  1889.  The 
more  noteworthy  of  these  treatises  are  V.  E.  Mourek's  Weitere 
Beitrage  zur  Syntax  des  Althochdeutschen  Tatian,  Prag,  1894, 
pp.  35-37 ;  Professor  Heinrich  Winkler's  Germanische  Casus- 
syntax,  i,  Berlin,  1896,  pp.  118-140  (chiefly  on  this  idiom  in 
Gothic)  ;  Professor  Berthold  Delbriick's  V  ergleichende  Syntax 
der  Indogermanischen  Sprachen,  Vol.  iv,  Part  2,  Strassburg, 

1897,  pp.  495-497;  Professors  Oskar  Erdmann  and  O.  Mens- 
ing's    Grundzilge   der   Deutschen   Syntax,   Vol.    n,    Stuttgart, 

1898,  pp.  274-275;  Dr.  C.  W.  Eastman's  Die  Syntax  des 
Dativs  bei  Notker,  a  Leipzig  dissertation  of  1898,  pp.  41- 
43 ;  Dr.  J.  B.  Crenshaw's  The  Present  Participle  in  Old  High 
German  and  Middle  High  German,  a  Johns  Hopkins  disserta- 
tion which,  though  dated  1893,  was  not  published  until  1901, 
pp.  8-13 ;  Professor  H.  Wunderlich's  Der  Deutsche  Satzbau, 
2nd  ed.,  Vol.  i,  Stuttgart,  1901,  pp.  392-393 ;  Dr.  W.  Manthey's 
Syntaktische  Beobachtungen  an  N others  Uebersetzung  des  Mar- 
tianus  Capella,  a  Berlin  dissertation  of  1903,  p.  34 ;  Dr.  W. 
Gocking's  Das  Partizipium  bei  Notker,  a  Strassburg  i.  E.  dis- 
sertation of  1905,  pp.  27-33 ;  Dr.  K.  Meyer's  Zur  Syntax  des 
Participium  Praesentis  im  Althochdeutschen,  a  Marburg  dis- 
sertation of  1906,  pp.  61-65  ;  Professor  W.  Wilmanns's  Deutsche 
Grammatik,  Dritte  Abteilung,  1.  Halfte,  Strassburg,  1906,  p. 
108  ;  Professor  W.  Streitberg's  Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  Dritte 
und  Vierte  Verbesserte  Aufl.,  Heidelberg,  1910,  pp.  174-175 


The  Absolute  Participle  21 

(chiefly  on  this  construction  in  Gothic)  ;  and  Professor  H.  Kall- 
mann's N others  Boethius:  Untersuchungen  uber  Quellen  und 
Stil  (=  Quellen  und  Forschungen  zur  Sprcuch-  und  Cultur- 
geschichte  der  Germanischen  Vblker,  cxxi),  Strassburg,  1913, 
p.  79.15 

As  with  reference  to  the  Absolute  Construction  in  Gothic,  so 
here  with  reference  to  this  construction  in  High  German  schol- 
ars fall  into  two  groups.  A  few  scholars  of  great  distinction 
hold,  or  seem  to  hold,  that  the  absolute  dative  is  an  idiom  native 
to  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole  (exclusive  of  Old  Saxon), 
to  Old  High  German  as  to  Gothic,  though  in  each  instance  for- 
eign influence  was  somewhat  felt.  This  view  is  held,  I  take  it, 
by  Professor  Winkler  and  by  Professor  Streitberg,  though 
neither  speaks  specifically  of  the  construction  in  Old  High  Ger- 
man. But  what  each  says  of  the  native  development  of  the 
Dative  Absolute  in  Gothic,  is  equally  applicable,  with  only 
trifling  modifications,  to  the  Absolute  Dative  in  Old  High  Ger- 
man ;  hence  I  have  put  them  down  as  favoring  the  native  devel- 
opment of  this  construction  in  Old  High  German  as  well  as  in 
Gothic.  The  grounds  for  Professor  Streitberg's  belief  have  been 
quoted  in  full  in  my  discussion  of  this  idiom  in  Gothic,  p.  15 
above,  and  need  not  be  repeated  here ;  and,  as  there  stated,  the 
view  of  Professor  Winkler  is  in  substantial  accord  with  that  of 
Professor  Streitberg. 

I  do  not  feel  sure  as  to  the  position  of  Professor  Wunderlich, 
but  the  words  quoted  below,  I.  c.,  p.  392,  lead  me  to  believe  that 
he  leans  to  the  native-origin  theory :  "  Wo  das  attributive  Par- 
tizip  mit  Substantiven  sich  verbindet,  die  im  freien  Genetiv 
oder  Dativ  dem  Satze  sich  angliedern,  entsteht  ungezwungen 
eine  Fugung,  die  dem  lat.  Ablativ  absolutus  entspricht ;  vgl.  die 

"  I  regret  to  say  that,  on  account  of  the  European  War,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  obtain  Dr.  J.  Muhlau's  Zur  Frage  nnch  der  Ootischen  Psalmen- 
uebersetzung,  a  Kiel  dissertation  of  1904;  Dr.  P.  Ebeling's  Der  Syntak- 
tische  Gebrauch  der  Pwrticipia  in  der  Kudrun,  in  a  Halle  a.  S.  Program 
of  1912;  and,  above  all,  Dr.  J.  von  Guericke's  Die  Entwickelung  des  Alt- 
hochdeutschen  Participiums  unter  dem  Einfluss  des  Lateinischen,  a  Konigs- 
berg  i.  Pr.  dissertation  of  1915. 


22  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

Beispiele  aus  der  althochdeutschen  Uebersetzerlitteratur  in 
meinen  Beitragen  zum  Notker'schen  Boethius,  S.  82.  In  un- 
serem  wahrend  des  Krieges  liegt  noch  der  alte  Genetiv  wdhr- 
endes  Krieges  vor,  dem  Fiigungen  wie  in  wdhrendem  Kriege 
zur  Seite  stehen;  vgl.  Grimm  S.  1085  ff. ;  vgl.  welche,  wie  ich 
deutlich  verspure,  wahrenden  Redens  bereits  in  tnir  aufge- 
stiegen  ist,  Immermann,  Miinchhausen  2,  288  (vgl.  unten  Teil 
II,  Kapitel  1)."  Nor  do  I  feel  certain  as  to  the  position  of 
Professor  Wilmanns  (I.  c,  p.  108),  although,  from  his  state- 
ment given  below,  I  suppose  that  he  belongs  to  the  second  group, 
discussed  in  our  next  paragraph :  "  Sehr  kraftig  hat  sich  der 
Gebrauch  satzartiger  Partizipia  im  Griechischen  und  Latein- 
ischen  entfaltet,  am  freiesten  aussert  er  sich  in  den  absoluten 
Partizipialkonstruktionen.  In  den  germanischen  Sprachen 
finden  sich  zu  den  absoluten  Partizipien  nur  geringe  Ansatze ; 
andere,  die  sich  der  Konstruktion  des  Satzes  einfiigen  (apposl- 
tive  Partizipia),  begegnen  haufig  zu  jeder  Zeit,  gehoren  aber 
doch  mehr  der  Kunst-  und  Schriftsprache  an  und  stehen  oft 
sichtlich  unter  dem  Einfluss  fremder  Originale  und  Muster." 
Dr.  Mensing,  I.  c,  pp.  273-274,  as  in  the  case  of  Gothic,  seems 
to  stand  midway  between  the  two  schools. 

The  second  group  of  scholars  hold  that  in  High  German  the 
Absolute  Dative  was  borrowed  from  the  Latin,  though,  in  the 
view  of  some  of  them,  possibly  slightly  helped  along  by  some 
tendencies  within  the  language  itself.  To  this  group  belong  the 
remaining  scholars  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of  this  section. 
The  late  Professor  Mourek,  I.  c,  pp.  35-37,  gives  detailed  statis- 
tics of  the  Absolute  Dative  in  Tatian,  and  speaks  of  "  der  un- 
deutschen  construction  des  absoluten  dativs,  die  dem  lat.  abl. 
abs.  sklavisch  nachgeahmt,  aber  ungemein  haufig  belegt  ist." 
Dr.  Delbriick,  I.  c,  p.  495,  declares:  "  Im  Altnordischen 
und  Althochdeutschen  gilt  er  ebenfalls  als  Eindringling."  16 
Dr.  C.  W.  Eastman,  I.  c,  p.  41,  thus  speaks  of  the  Absolute 
Dative  in  Notker:  "  Diese  Verbindung  des  Dativs  eines  No- 

18  The  whole  passage  is  quoted  ahove,  in  my  section  on  the  Absolute 
Dative  in  Gothic. 


The  Absolute  Participle  23 

mens  mit  einem  Part.  Praet.  oder  Part.  Praes.  kann  keinesfalls 
als  eine  echt  ahd.  Construction  angesehen  werden,''  a  judgment 
based  on  a  minute  comparison  of  the  Old  High  German  text  of 
several  of  Notker's  works  with  their  Latin  originals.  Dr.  J. 
B.  Crenshaw,  I.  c,  pp.  9  and  11,  gives  some  illuminating  statis- 
tics as  to  the  Dative  Absolute  in  Old  High  German.  For  the 
Present  Participle  in  this  construction  the  figures  are  as  fol- 
lows: Otfrid,  1;  Isidor,  2;  Tatian,  45;  Notker,  65;  total  113; 
of  which  examples  95  translate  a  Latin  Ablative  Absolute.  For 
the  Preterite  Participle  the  figures  are :  Otfrid,  2 ;  Isidor,  2 ; 
Tatian,  71 ;  Notker,  28 ;  total,  103 ;  of  which  examples  only 
one  is  original  in  the  German,  the  remaining  102  being  due  to 
Latin  influence.  Dr.  Crenshaw  sums  up  the  matter  on  page 
13 :  "  The  results  reached  by  Dr.  Morgan  Callaway  in  his  thesis, 
The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  are  accordingly  abun- 
dantly substantiated  for  the  Dative  Absolute  in  German.  The 
construction  in  question  is  directly  borrowed  from  the  Latin, 
and  is  the  result  of  an  attempt  to  graft  on  to  German  the  Abla- 
tive Absolute  of  the  Latin.  The  attempt  failed  because  the 
trend  of  German  syntax  was  not  in  that  direction.  The  con- 
struction is,  therefore,  limited  to  the  period  characterized  by 
translations  from  Latin  and  does  not  become  an  integral  part  of 
classical  German  syntax."  Dr.  Manthey,  I.  c,  p.  34,  speaks 
thus  of  the  construction  in  Notker's  Martianus  Capella:  "  Der 
Dativus  absolutus  ist  eine  genaue  Nachamung  des  lateinischen 
Ablativus  absolutus  und  steht  im  M.  Cap.  a'uch  nicht  ein  ein- 
ziges  Mai  selbstandig."  Dr.  Gocking,  I.  c,  p.  27,  gives  statis- 
tics for  Notker's  Boethius  as  well  as  for  his  Martianus  Capella, 
and  likewise  declares  that  the  Absolute  Dative  is  borrowed  from 
the  Latin.  Dr.  K.  Meyer,  I.  c,  p.  62,  quotes  approvingly  this 
statement  from  Rannow :  "  Auch  die  Konstr.  des  dat.  abs.  mag 
von  aussen  eingedrungen  und  zu  gewissen  Zeiten,  wie  schon 
Ulphilas  zeigt,  nicht  einmal  selten  in  Anwendung  gekommen 
sein,  aber  voiles  Biirgerrecht  hat  sie  in  der  deutschen  Sprachen 
nie  erhalten."  Finally,  Professor  H.  Naumann,  I.  c,  p.  79, 
as  recently  as  1913  spoke  thus  of  Notker's  Latinized  style, 


24  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

especially  as  exhibited  in  his  use  of  the  infinitive  and  of  the 
participle,  and  in  so  doing  differentiated  the  earlier  stage  of 
Old  High  German  from  the  later  stage  thereof,  represented  by 
Notker :  "  In  der  alten  Schule  waren  der  Abl.  absol.  haufig  ver- 
mieden  oder  aufgelost,  das  Partic.  conj.  gleichfalls  oft  aufge- 
lost, beide  vielfach  auch  beibehalten;  die  Infmitivkonstruk- 
tienen  sind  bis  auf  wenige  Ealle  vermieden.  In  der  Folgezeit 
(Exhortatio;  Weissenburger  Katechismus; — Trierer  Kapitu- 
lare)  ist  vielleicht  eine  leise  Steigerung  der  Bewahrungstendenz 
bemerkbar.  JSTotker  nun  iibertrifft  noch  die  altere  Schule;  der 
Ace.  c.  Inf.  ist  selten  aufgelost;  der  Abl.  abs.  sehr  oft  nach- 
geahmt,  doch  sind  die  Falle,  wo  er  aufgelost  ist,  immerhin  zahl- 
reicher;  das  Partic.  conj.  ward  sehr  oft  beibehalten,  oft  auch 
ohne  Vorlage  angewandt,  doch  oft  auch  aufgelost.  Dazu  kommt 
die  vollendete  Hypotaxe,  auch  ein  Merkmal  literarischer,  vom 
Latein  gelernter  Syntax ;  desgl.  die  fast  vollige  Vermeidung  des 
verbalen  und  auch  des  substantivischen  Asyndetons,  das  doch 
ein  Charakteristikum  der  alteren  deutschen  volkstiimlichen 
Redeweise  war.  tibrigens  weichen  die  Stellen  aus  Notkers 
eigener  Feder  sehr  wesentlich  von  dieser  lateinischen  Diktion 
ab."  And  in  his  recently  published  K'urze  Histarische  Syntax 
der  Deutschen  Sprache  (1915),  p.  14,  Professor  Naumann  is 
no  less  pronounced  for  the  Latin  origin  of  this  construction  in 
Old  High  German  as  a  whole :  "  Der  reine  Dat.  absol.  im  Ahd. 
(ohne  Proposition)  gilt  als  eine  Nachahmung  des  lateinischen 
Abl.  absol. :  bin  gote  helphante  thero  arabeito  zi  ente;  bislozanen 
thinen  turin.  Diese  Konstruktion  gehort  zum  gelehrten  Stil 
der  ahd.  Autoren ;  aber  sie  blieb  ohne  Einfluss  auf  die  Zukunft, 
denn  bereichern  kann  der  Stil  die  Syntax  nicht." 

I  have  given  this  rather  detailed  summary  of  opinion  as  to 
the  origin  of  the  Dative  Absolute  in  Old  High  German  bceause 
I  desire  to  show  how  many  different  special  investigators  of  this 
construction  in  Old  High  German  have  independently  come  to 
the  same  conclusion,  that  the  idiom  is  borrowed  from  the  Latin. 
To  me  the  evidence  given  by  these  investigators  seems  con- 
clusive for  the  theory  of  the  foreign   (Latin)    origin  of  this 


The  Absolute  Participle  25 

construction  in  Old  High  German,  although  it  is  still  possible 
that  certain  native  tendencies  in  Old  High  German  such  as 
those  indicated  by  Messrs.  Winkler  and  Streitberg  for  Gothic, 
may  have  been  of  secondary,  but  not,  as  claimed  by  them,  of 
primary,  help. 

As  to  the  Middle  High  German,  Dr.  Crenshaw,  I.  c,  p.  10, 
declares  that  "  In  Middle  High  German  no  clear  instance  of  the 
construction  [the  Dative  Absolute]  is  found;  only  two  where 
the  use  seems  probable."  The  absolute  Dative  is  not  mentioned 
by  Professor  H.  Paul  in  his  Mittelhochdeutsche  Grammatik, 
9th  ed.,  Halle,  1913,  or  by  Professor  V.  Michels,  in  his  Mittel- 
hochdeutsches  Elementarbuch,  2nd  ed.,  Heidelberg,  1912. 

Nor  is  the  Dative  Absolute  found  in  New  High  German,  but 
only  the  Accusative  Absolute.  Concerning  the  latter,  see  Blatz, 
I.  c,  pp.  354-357,  and  my  section  on  the  Accusative  Absolute 
below. 

In  Old  Saxon,  no  instance  is  recorded  of  the  Absolute  Dative : 
see  Dr.  H.  Pratje's  "  Syntax  des  Heliand,  I.  Das  Verbum,"  in 
the  Jahrbuch  des  Vereins  fur  Niederdeutsche  Sprachforschung 
for  1885,  xi,  1886,  pp.  74-84,  and  Professor  O.  BehaghePs  Die 
Syntax  des  Heliand,  Wien,  1897,  §§  107-108. 

To  sum  up  the  matter :  Gothic,  Old  Norse,  Old  High  German, 
Middle  High  German,  and  Old  Saxon,  like  Old  Northumbrian, 
all  point  to  the  foreign  origin  of  the  Dative  Absolute  in  the 
Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

B.     The  Absolute  Accusative 

Several  scholars  have  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
Accusative  is  occasionally  used  Absolutely  with  a  Participle  in 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  Mat.  9.18:  Sas  hine  sprecende  to 
him  uel  Ssem,  heonu  aldormonn  an  geneolecde  =  Haec  illo  lo- 
quente  ad  eos  ecce  princeps  unus  accessit  (Rushw.  and  W.  S. : 
sfv.).  In  1857,  K.  W.  Bouterwek,  in  his  Die  Vier  Evangelien 
in  Altnordhumbrischer  Sprache,  Giitersloh,  p.  cv,  cited  four 


26  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

examples17  of  the  idiom;  in  1866,  George  Waring,  in  the 
"  Prolegomena  "  to  The  Lindisfarne  and  Rushworth  Gospels, 
4  vols.,  Durham,  1854-1866,  independently  cited  one  example 
(L.  8.49:  illo  loquente  =  hine  sprecende),  and  commented: 
"  Here  the  use  of  hine  as  a  dative  is  to  be  noted  "  ;  and,  in  1899, 
Jacob  Schipper,  in  his  Konig  Alfreds  Uebersetzung  von  Bedas 
Kirchengeschichte,  Leipzig,  1897-1899,  p.  xliii,  quoted  two 
other  examples.18  But  no  one  of  these  three  scholars  seemed 
to  be  aware  of  the  frequency  of  this  idiom  in  Northumbrian ; 
nor  has  the  fact  of  the  occurrence  of  the  idiom  in  this  dialect 
been  generally  incorporated  in  the  treatises  dealing  with  Anglo- 
Saxon  syntax.  I  regret  to  add  that  the  fact  was  not  known  to 
me  when  I  wrote  my  dissertation  on  The  Absolute  Participle  in 
Anglo-Saxon  (West-Saxon),  Baltimore,  1889;  indeed,  I  did 
not  learn  the  fact  until  several  years  ago,  when  I  began  these 
studies  in  the  syntax  of  the  Northumbrian  dialect. 

About  twenty-one  examples  19  of  this  idiom  have  been  found 
in  the  Northumbrian,  a  construction  unknown  in  the  West- 
Saxon,20  for,  as  I  have  tried  to  show  in  my  dissertation,  the 
cases  hitherto  cited  as  examples  of  the  absolute  accusative  in 
West-Saxon  are  to  be  explained  otherwise, — a  conviction  in  no 
wise  upset  by  my  later  discovery  of  the  use  of  the  absolute 
accusative  in  the  Northumbrian.  The  number  of  examples 
found  of  this  idiom  precludes  one's  first  impression  that  the 
use  of  the  accusative  in  the  gloss  is  due  merely  to  carelessness. 

"  Mat.  8.34:  uiso  eo  —  gesene  hine;  L.  20.1:  docente  illo  =  Icerende  hine; 
ib.  22.47,  60 :   eo  loquente  =  hine  sprecende. 

™J.  4.51:  eo  descendente  —  hine  stigende;  ib.  8.30:  haec  illo  loquente  — 
Sas  hine  spreccende. 

19  In  all  of  these  examples  except  one  (L.  23.8"),  the  subject  of  the 
participle  is  a  pronoun,  and  the  form  of  the  subject  is  indisputably  accu- 
sative. In  L.  23. 8"  the  noun  subject  (hcelend)  is  preceded  by  the  accusa- 
tive of  the  article,  tione. 

20  In  the  third  edition  of  his  Historische  Syntax,  1916,  p.  59,  Professor 
Eugen  Einenkel  expresses  the  belief  that,  in  late  Old  English  (Anglo- 
Saxon  ) ,  a  few  genuine  cases  occur  of  the  Absolute  Accusative,  but  he  does 
not  cite  any  example  of  this  idiom  in  Anglo-Saxon  that  seems  certain 
to  me. 


The  Absolute  Participle  27 

That  the  accusative  here  is  a  genuine  Northumbrian  idiom 
seems  indicated,  also,  by  several  other  facts.  (1)  Once  the 
dative  and  the  accusative  are  given  as  alternatives  in  the  abso- 
lute construction,  in  Mk.  14.43 :  Sa  get  uel  (5a  geon  him  uel 
hine  sprecende  cuom  iudas  =  athuc  eo  loquente  uenit  iudas 
(W.  S. :  dat.  abs. ;  Rushw. :  dat.  abs.  (crude)).  (2)  The  accu- 
sative is  used  in  several  other  constructions  in  which  normally 
(in  West-Saxon,  at  least)  the  dative  occurs,  as  (a)  after  the 
comparative  degree  of  adjectives;  (b)  after  the  preposition  mid 
(mid),  as  has  been  long  known;  (c)  after  the  verb  to  be  for  the 
dative  of  interest;  (d)  after  sella  for  the  dative  of  the  indirect 
object  (or  of  interest?)  ;  (e)  after  gedcefniga  for  the  dative  of 
reference.  Conversely,  (/)  after  geceiga,  '  call,'  which  in  West- 
Saxon  has  the  accusative  only,  we  find  occasionally  the  dative, 
though  usually  the  accusative.    Examples  are : — 

(a)  L.  3.16  :  cymeS  Sonne  strongra  mec  (sic)  =  ueniet  autem 
fortior  me; — J.  14.28:  forSon  se  faeder  mara  mec  (sic)  is  = 
quia  pater  maior  me  est.  [Or  is  the  accusative  here  due  to  the 
Glossator's  mistaking  me,  ablative,  for  me,  accusative  ?] 

(b)  J.  8.29:  seSe  mec  sende  mec  (sic)  mid  is  =  qui  me 
misit  mecum  est.  [Concerning  the  regimen  of  mid,  see  Erla 
Hittle,  Zur  Geschichte  der  Altenglischen  Prapositionen  "Mid" 
und  "  Wid"  (  =  Anglistische  Forschungen,  Heft  II),  Heidel- 
berg, 1901,  pp.  6-7.  Dr.  Hittle  refers  to  Miller's  Bede,  and 
declares  that  the  accusative  with  mid  is  a  chief  characteristic 
of  the  Northumbrian  (Mercian)  dialect. 

(c)  J.  21.22  :  cueS  him  to  se  haelend  Sus  uel  suae  hine  ic  uillo 
geuuni  uel  Saette  he  gewuniga  oS  Saet  ic  cymo  huaed  is  Se  bi 
Sy  uel  is  dec  (sic)  Sees?  Su  mec  soec  uel  fylig  Su  me  =  dicit 
ei  iesus  sic  eum  uolo  manere  donee  ueniam,  quid  ad  te?  tu  me 
sequere. — For  a  striking  parallel  to  this  in  Old  High  German, 
compare  Tatian  45.2:  waz  ist  thih  thes  inti  mihf  =  quid  mi  hi 
et  tibi  est?  and  see  the  comment  thereon  by  Arthur  Kohler. 
"  Ueber  den  Syntaktisehen  Gebrauch  des  Dativ  im  Gotischen,'' 
in  Germania,  xi,  1866,  p.  288. 

(d)  Mat.  26.67:  Sa  speafton  in  onsione  his  & —  [  =  blank] 


28  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

hine  slogun  o<5ro  Sonne  hondbreodo  in  onsione  hine  (sic)  sal- 
don  =  Tunc  expuerunt  in  faciem  eius  et  colaphis  eum  caederunt 
alii  autem  palmas  in  faciem  ei  dederunt. 

(e)  J.  3.30  hine  uel  him  gedcefnad  Ssette  auexe  mec  uutud- 
lice  (5set  ic  lytlege  =  ilium  oportet  crescere  me  autem  minui 
(Rushw. :  him  gidcefnad  etc. ;  W.  S. :  hit  geburaS  (5set  he  weaxe 
etc.).  The  accusative  is  doubtless  partly  due  to  the  presence 
of  the  accusative  (ilium)  in  the  Latin. 

(/)  L.  19.15 :  heht  geceiga  (5sem  esnum  uel  (5a  esnas  Ssem 
gesalde  <5aet  feh  =  iussit  uocari  seruos  quibus  dedit  pecuniam ; 
L.  14.13 :  ah  miSSy  Su  doest  gebserscip  geceig  dorfendum  un- 
lialum  haltum  blindum  =  sed  cum  facis  conuiuium  uoca  pau- 
peres  debiles  clodos  caecos;  L.  15.6:  cuom  to  hus  uel  to  ham 
geceiged  uel  geceigde  friondum  &  neheburum  =  ueniens  domum 
conuocat  amicos  et  uicinos.  In  twelve  other  citations  for  geceiga 
given  by  Professor  Cook,  it  governs  an  accusative:  Mat.  1.21, 
23;  9.13;  10.25;  23.9  ;—L.  1.13,  31,  62;  14.9,  12;—/.  I. 
5.3;  9.18;  13.13;  and  in  five  others,  it  has  no  object:  Mat. 
8.29;  14.26  ;—MJc.  15.13,  14;— L.  1.42. 

In  a  word,  there  seems  to  have  been  an  interchange  of  the 
accusative  and  the  dative  in  Northumbrian  that  is  unknown  in 
West-Saxon ;  of  which  interchange  the  accusative  absolute  offers 
the  most  striking  illustration. 

After  writing  the  foregoing  paragraph  concerning  the  inter- 
change of  dative  and  accusative  in  the  Lindisfatyie  Gospels,  I 
came  upon  this  statement  by  the  late  Dr.  Henry  Sweet  concern- 
ing the  confusion  of  cases  in  the  Northumbrian  and  Mercian 
dialects :  "  The  peculiar  feature  of  the  Northumbrian  and 
Mercian  dialects  is  their  combination  of  archaism  and  disinte- 
gration, which  can  only  be  compared  with  that  of  Southern 
English  in  the  twelfth  century.  We  find  the  same  confusion  of 
genders  (dees  moehtes,  pi.  burgas,  etc.),  of  cases  (heom  ace.  in 
Rush.),  of  strong  and  weak  (dees  lichomes) ."  21    Of  the  falling 

21  The  quotation  is  taken  from  Dr.  Sweet's  "  Dialects  and  Prehistoric 
Forms  of  Old  English,"  which  originally  appeared  in  the  Transactions  of 
the  Philological  Society,  1875-1876,  pp.  543-569,  and  was  subsequently  re- 


The  Absolute  Participle  29 

together  of  certain  cases  of  nouns  in  Northumbrian,  Professor 
Uno  Lindelof  tells  us  in  his  "  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  des  Alt- 
Northumbrischen,"  Helsingfors,  1893.  On  p.  299  he  speaks  as 
follows  of  the  Feminine  Nouns:  "  Im  Singular  fallen  der  Nom- 
inativ  und  der  Accusativ  formell  zusammen,"  probably  out  of 
analogy  to  masculine  and  neuter  nouns,  he  explains.  He  then 
declares  that,  although  the  Dative  ending  is  usually  preserved 
in  Feminine  Nouns,  "  Es  sind  aber  doch  einzelne  Spuren  von 
Zusammenfall  des  Dativs  mit  dem  Nominativ  und  Accusativ 
vorhanden,  ein  Vorgang,  der  sich  in  der  Entwickelung  des 
Nordenglischen  jedenfalls  bald  vollzog."  And  it  is  well  known, 
of  course,  that  in  the  Modern  Scotch  dialects  there  is  great  con- 
fusion of  cases  in  the  pronouns.  In  his  The  Dialect  of  the 
Southern  Counties  of  Scotland,  London,  1873,  p.  187,  Dr.  J.  A. 
H.  Murray  speaks  of  the  matter  as  follows :  "  The  usage  of  the 
Personal  Pronouns  in  the  current  Scottish  dialects  differs  essen- 
tially from  that  of  the  Standard  English,  being  in  most  respects 
identical  with  the  French.  There  is  a  direct  or  proper  Nomina- 
tive, and  a  direct  Objective,  as  well  as  an  indirect  case,  used  like 
the  French  moi,  toi,  lui,  eux,  for  both  Nominative  and  Objective 
in  certain  positions.  But  while  in  French  this  indirect  case  or 
dative  is  in  its  history  and  derivation  distinct  from  the  direct 
accusative,  the  indirect  case  in  Scotch  is,  viewed  etymologically, 
really  the  objective  of  the  English  (the  dative  or  accusative  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon),  while  the  direct  Objective  is  a  contracted  or 
mutilated  form."  And,  on  p.  189,  he  tells  us  that  "  The  Indi- 
rect form  is  used  for  the  Nominative  (1)  when  the  Verb  is  not 
expressed,  as  in  answer  to  a  question  (so  in  French)  ;  (2)  when 
the  Nominative  is  separated  from  the  Verb  by  a  Relative  or 
Relative  Clause,  a  numeral  or  a  substantive  (so  in  French)  ; 
(3)  as  the  second  Nominative  (predicate)  after  the  verb  to  be 
(so  in  French)  ;  (4)  when  the  Nominative  is  repeated  for  the 
sake  of  emphasis,  the  added  nominative  being  put  in  the  indi- 

printed  in  the  Collected  Papers  of  Henry  Sweet,  Oxford,  1913,  pp.  185-211. 
The  passage  given  above  I  have  quoted  from  the  Collected  Papers,  p.   197. 


30  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

rect  case  (so  in  French)  ;  (5)  when  two  or  more  nominatives 
form  the  subject  of  the  same  verb  (so  in  French)  ;  (6)  with  a 
participle  as  the  absolute  case."  This  statement  of  Dr.  Murray 
is  confirmed  by  the  later  investigations  in  this  general  field,  as 
by  Dr.  G.  H.  Cowling,  in  The  Dialect  of  Hachness  (North-East 
Yorkshire),  Cambridge,  1915,  p.  120,  and  by  Sir  James  Wil- 
son, in  Lowland  Scotch  as  Spoken  in  the  Lower  Strathearn  Dis- 
trict of  Perthshire,  Oxford,  1915,  pp.  83-86.  Whether  or  not 
Dr.  Murray  intends  to  attribute  the  interchange  of  cases  in 
Scotch  to  French  influence,  is  not  clear  to  me.  Dr.  Otto  Diehn, 
in  his  Die  Pronomina  im  Fruhmittelenglischen,  Heidelberg, 
1901,  p.  50,  attributes  the  occasional  interchange  of  dative  and 
accusative  forms  of  pronouns  in  Early  Middle  English  partly  to 
the  analogy  of  nouns  (in  which  dative  and  accusative  had  be- 
come identical)  and  partly  to  Scandinavian  (especially  Danish) 
influence.  Concerning  the  latter  factor  he  mentions  an  oral  sug- 
gestion of  Professor  Sarrazin,  and  refers  to  Professor  Jesper- 
sen's  Progress  m  Language,  London,  1894,  pp.  182  ff.,  in  which 
latter  a  general  suggestion  is  made  as  to  the  possible  influence  of 
the  Scandinavian  languages  on  the  English  in  the  matter  of 
interchange  of  case-forms.  A  very  violent  substitution  in  Mod- 
ern Scandinavian,  well  known  but  not  mentioned  by  Professor 
Jespersen,  is  the  use  of  the  accusative  (den)  of  the  article  for 
the  nominative  (der).  In  his  later  work,  Growth  and  Structure 
of  the  English  Language,  2nd  ed.,  Leipzig,  1912,  §§  80-81,  Pro- 
fessor Jespersen  returns  to  the  topic,  but  adds  nothing  of  impor- 
tance. Concerning  the  confusion  of  the  nominative  and  of  the 
dative  of  personal  pronouns  in  Middle  English  and  in  Modern 
English,  see,  also,  Professor  F.  B.  Gummere's  interesting  arti- 
cle, "  On  the  English  Dative-Nominative  of  the  Personal  Pro- 
noun," in  The  American  Journal  of  Philology,  iv,  1883,  pp. 
283-290. 

The  examples  of  the  Absolute  Accusative  are  in  full  as  fol- 
lows (21)  :— 


The  Absolute  Participle  31 

I.      THE   PRESENT   PARTICIPLE    (18) 

The  Accusative  of  the  Absolute  Present  Participle  ends  nor- 
mally in  -nde  and  once  in  -end,  and  is  found  in  the  singular, 
masculine,  only.  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527,  532,  and 
535. 

bodiga,  preach  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  20. lb:  kerende  hine  (5set  folc  in 
temple  &  bodande  efnecuomon  (5a  alldormenn  =  docente  illo 
populum  in  templo  et  euangelizante  conuenerunt  principes. 
[Rushw. :  cfv. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not 
cited.] 

fara,  go  away,  depart  (2)  :  Mh.  (1) :  10.46:  mi(5  (5y  foerde 
he  uel  hine  fcerende  in  8a  burug  .  .  .  blind  gesaet  =  profi- 
ciscente  eo  hiericho  .  .  .  caecus  sedebat  iuxta  uiam.  [Rushw. : 
cfv.;  W.  S. :  cfv. — Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] — L. 
(1)  :  19.36 :  fcerende  Sonne  hine  underbraeddon  uel  legdon  gege- 
relo  hiora  on  woege  =  eunte  autem  illo  substernebant  uesti- 
menta  sua  in  uia.  [Rushw.:  fcerende  Sonne  hine;  W.  S. : 
sfv. — Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

ofstiga,  ascend  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  8.23:  &  ofstigende  hine  uel 
Sa  he  ofstag  in  lytlum  scipe  .  .  .  gefylgdon  hine  uel  him 
Segnas  his  =  Et  ascendente  eo  in  nauicula  secuti  sunt  eum  dis- 
cipuli  eius.  [Rushw. :  &  (5a  stag  he ;  W.  S. :  &  he  astah. — 
Cook:  pres.  p. ;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

rsesta,  recline  (1):  Mat.  (1):  9.10:  &  geworden  wses 
rcestende  hine  in  hus  .  .  .  monigo  .  .  .  cuomun  geraestun  = 
Et  factum  est  discumbente  eo  in  domo  .  .  .  multi  .  .  .  uenien- 
tes  discumbebant.  [Rushw. :  cfv. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook :  pres.  p. ; 
Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

spreca,  speak,  declare  (10)  :  Mat.  (3) :  9.18:  (5as  hine  sprec- 
ende to  him  uel  Saem  heonu  aldormonn  an  geneolecde  =  Haec 
illo  loquente  ad  eos  ecce  princeps  unus  accessit.  [Rushw. :  (5a  he 
Sis  sprsec;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  not  cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 
Mat.  17.5a:  (5a  gett  uel  geana  hine  sprecende  uel  forSor  he  waes 
sprecende  heonu  wolcen  leht  oferscyade  hia  =  athuc  eo  loquente 
ecce  nubis  lucida  obumbrauit  eos.      [Rushw.:  sfv.;  W.  S. :  dat. 


32  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

abs. — Cook:  not  cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.]  Mat.  12.46a: 
geonae  hine  uel  he  spraec  uel  sprwcend  to  menigom  heonu  moder 
his  &  bro(5ero  stondas  uel  gestodon  =  Athuc  eo  loquente  ad 
turbas  ecce  mater  eius  et  fratres  stabant  foris.  [Rushw. :  sfv. ; 
W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  pres.  p. ;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] — Mk.  (2) : 
5.35a:  (5a  geone  hine  uel  he  sprecende  cnomon  .  .  .  aldermenn 
=  adhuc  eo  loquente  ueniunt  etc.  [Rushw. :  (5a  geona  he  sprec- 
ende comon  etc. ;  W.  S. :  dat.  abs. — Cook :  not  cited ;  Carpenter : 
not  cited.]  Mk.  14.43:  Sa  get  uel  (5a  geon  him  uel  hine  sprec- 
ende cuom  iudas  =  athuc  eo  loquente  uenit  iudas.  [Rush.: 
dat.  abs.  (crude) ;  W.  S. :  dat.  abs. — Cook:  not  cited;  Carpen- 
ter: not  cited.] — L.  (4):  8.49:  Sageane  hine  spreccende — 
(=  blank)  from  aldormonn  somnunges  cuoeS  him  =  athuc  illo 
loquente  uenit  a  principe  synagogae  dicens.  [Rushw. :  geona 
hine  sprecende  com  .  .  .  cwae(5 ;  W.  S. :  dat.  abs. — Cook :  not 
cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.]  L.  9.34a:  Sas  (5a  hine  sprecende 
aworden  waes  wolcen  =  haec  autem  illo  loquente  facta  est  nubis. 
[Rushw.:  sfv.  ( ?)  ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  not  cited;  Carpenter: 
not  cited.]  L.  22.47 :  forSor  (5aget  hine  spreccende  heono  (5a?t 
here  uel  (5a  menigo  =  Athuc  eo  loquente  ecce  turba.  [Rushw. : 
to  him  sprecende  heono  (5e  here  &  seSe  giceged  waes  iudas; 
W.  S. :  dat.  abs. — Cook:  not  cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.]  L. 
22.60 :  sona  for(5or  (5a  get  hine  sprecende  gesang  se  hona  =  con- 
tinue athuc  illo  loquente  cantauit  gallus.  [Rushw. :  sona  for(5or 
Sagett  hine  sprecende  Se  hona  gisang;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  not 
cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] — J.  (1):  8.30:  (5as  hine  sprec- 
cende uel  mi(5(5y  he  wses  sprecende  menigo  gelefdon  on  him  = 
haec  illo  loquente  multi  crediderunt  in  eum.  [Rushw. :  (5as 
hine  sprecende  monige  gilef dun  in  hine ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook : 
pres.  p. ;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

Stiga,  descend  (1)  :  J.  (1):  4.51a:  gee  uutudlice  hine  sti- 
gende  uel  soSlice  mi(5(5y  Se  geade  .  .  .  gwurnun  him  togasgnes 
=  iam  autem  eo  descendente  serui  occurrerunt  ei.  [Rushw. : 
gisceh  wutudlice  hine  stigende  esnas  giurnon  togsegnes  him; 
W.  S. :  sfv. — Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

wyrca,  work,  do  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  6.3:  (5u  uel  Beh  uutedlice 


The  Absolute  Participle  33 

wyrcende  Sa  aellmissa  nyta  winstra  Sin  huset  wyrcas  uel  doas 
suiSra  Sin  =  te  autem  faciente  aelemosyna  nesciat  sinistra  tua 
quid  faciat  dextera  tua.  [Rushw. :  dat.  abs. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — 
Cook:  not  cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

NOTES 

1.  An  Abortive  Attempt  at  the  Absolute  Accusative  occurs 
possibly  in  M at.  24.3 :  wees  sittende  uutedlice  he  uel  hine  ofer 
mor  oleuetes  geneolecdon  to  him  Segnas  =  Sedente  autem  eo 
super  montem  oliueti  accesserunt  ad  eum  discipuli  (Rushw. : 
saet  Sa  he ;  W.  S. :  Da  he  saet) . 

II.      THE    PRETERITE    PARTICIPLE    (3) 

The  Accusative  of  the  Absolute  Preterite  Participle  ends  in 
-ne,  and  is  found  in  the  singular,  masculine,  only.  Compare 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549. 

(ge)sea,  see  (3)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  8.34:  gesene  hine  uel  Sa  hine 
gesegon  gebedon  Sset  ofereade  =  et  uiso  eo  rogabant  ut  transiret. 
[Rushw. :  &  geseende  lime  bedun  hine  Saet  he  ferde ;  W.  S. : 
sfv. — Professor  Cook  considers  gesene,,  here  and  in  the  two  pas- 
sages quoted  below,  an  adjective  (and  inadvertently  as  ns.). 
It  may  be  an  adjective,  but,  if  so,  it  is  probably  accusative  singu- 
lar masculine,  and  we  have  an  absolute  phrase  made  up  of  an 
adjective  plus  a  pronoun  instead  of  a  participle  plus  a  pronoun. 
As,  however,  according  to  Professor  Cook,  at  least  three  clear 
examples  (Mat.  I.  8.17,  25.29  ;  L.  22.24)  occur  of  geseen  as  the 
past  participle  in  the  nominative  singular,  I  do  not  see  why 
gesene  may  not  here  be  considered  a  participle  instead  of  an 
adjective.  Dr.  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  480,  considers  gesene  an 
adjective,  but  assigns  no  case  to  it  in  this  passage.]  L.  (2)  : 
10.31:  gesene  hine  biwaerlde  =  uiso  illo  prseteriuit.  [Rushw.: 
lacking;  W.  S. :  sfv.]  L.  23. 8a:  herodes  Sonne  gesene  Sone 
licelend  glsed  wees  suiSe  =  herodes  autem  uiso  iesu  gauisus  est 
ualde.  [Rushw. :  herodes  Sone  gesene  Sone  licelend  gla?d  wses 
swiSe;  W.  S. :  sfv.] 
3 


34  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

That  the  Absolute  Construction  with  the  Accusative  is  due  to 
the  influence  of  the  Latin  original,  seems  likely  from  the  fact 
that  in  each  instance  it  occurs  in  translation  of  a  Latin  ablative 
absolute ;  or,  rather,  the  absolute  construction  is  due  to  the 
Latin  influence,  the  fact  that  the  accusative  is  so  used  seems  due 
to  the  Northumbrian  interchange  of  dative  and  accusative  dis- 
cussed above.  Finally,  it  should  be  added  that  the  glossator  at 
times  gives  as  an  alternative  rendering  the  native  idiom  of  a 
subordinated  finite  verb  (as  in  Mat.  8.23 :  ofstigende  hine  uel 
&a  he  of  stag  =  ascendente  eo)  or  of  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb 
(as  in  Mat.  17.5a:  Sa  gett  uel  geana  hiiie  sprecende  uel  forSor 
he  ivo3s  sprecende  =  athuc  eo  loquente), — a  fact  that  further 
attests  the  ungenuineness  of  the  absolute  construction. 

APPENDIX  II 

THE  ABSOLUTE  ACCUSATIVE  IN  THE  OTHEE  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES 

In  his  Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  3rd  and  4th  edition,  Heidel- 
berg, 1910,  §251,  Professor  Streitberg  speaks  as  follows  of 
a  possible  Absolute  Accusative  in  Gothic:  "  Einen  Akkusa- 
tivus  absolutus  nimmt  man  an  auf  Grund  von  M.  6.3  puk  tau- 
jandan  armaion,  ni  witi  hleidumei  peina  hva  taujip  taihsiuo 
peina  =  crov  8e  ttoiovvtos  eXevfioa-vvvv  und  Mc.  6.22  atgag- 
gandein  inn  dauhtar  Herodiadins  jah  plinsjandein  jah  galei- 
kandein  Heroda  jah  paim  mipandkumbjandam,  gap  piudans  du 
pizai  maujai  =  elae\6ovcrn<i  t?}<?  &vyarp<h  .  .  .  teal  op^o-a^ei^? 
Kal  apeo-dari*;  ra>  'HpcoSr)  icai  Tot?  avvava/ceifAevois,  elirev  6  fiacri- 
\ev?  ra  Kopaaiu>.  Im  zweiten  Beispiel  stellt  man  gewohnlich 
durch  die  Anderung  *dauhtr  einen  Dativ  absol.  her ;  im  ersten 
lasst  man  den  Akkusativ  von  witi  abhangen,  doch  befriedigt 
diese  Aushilfe  nicht.  Vgl.  Riickert  S.  416,  Lucke  S.  26  f." 
Despite  this  statement  of  Professor  Streitberg,  I  am  loth  to  con- 
sider these  two  passages  genuine  instances  of  the  Absolute  Accu- 
sative, not  only  because  their  genuineness  has,  as  stated  by  Pro- 
fessor Streitberg,  been  questioned  by  several  eminent  Gothic 


The  Absolute  Participle  35 

scholars,  but  also  because  the  Absolute  Accusative  is  most  proba- 
bly not  a  native  idiom  in  the  other  Germanic  languages.  See, 
further,  H.  Winkler,  Germanische  Casussyntax,  p.  124,  and 
M.  J.  van  der  Meer,  Gotische  Casussyntaxis,  §  38. 

Concerning  the  Absolute  Accusative  in  New  High  German, 
which,  according  to  Blatz,  is  most  probably  not  a  survival  of 
the  dative  absolute,  but  a  new  importation  from  the  French,  see 
F.  Blatz,  N euhochdeutsche  Grammatih,  3rd  ed.,  Karlsruhe, 
1895-1896,  Vol.  n,  pp.  354-357 ;  T.  Matthias,  "  Zur  Geschichte 
der  Deutschen  Mittelwortfiigungen,"  in  the  Zeitschrift  fur 
den  Deutschen  Unterricht,  xi,  1897,  pp.  694-705;  W.  Wil- 
manns,  Deutsche  Grammatih,  Dritte  Abtheilung,  1.  Halfte. 
Strassburg,  1906,  p.  108 ;  and  the  references  given  in  The  Abso- 
lute Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  33. 

For  the  Absolute  Accusative  in  the  Low  Germanic  languages, 
see  J.  Verdam,  "  Absolute  Naamvallen  in  't  M.  Ndl.  en  Ndl.," 
in  Tijdschrift  voor  Nederlandsche  Tool-  en  LetterJcunde,  n, 
1882,  pp.  188-198;  W.  L.  van  Helten,  "  Bijdragen  tot  de 
Dietsche  Grammatical  viii.  Nog  iets  over  de  Absolute  Naam- 
vallen,"  in  the  same  journal,  v,  1885,  pp.  207-220 ;  and  F.  A. 
Stoett,  Middelnederlandsche  Spraahhunst:  Syntaxis,  2nd  ed., 
1909,  pp.  127  ff.  (in  the  1889  ed.  pp.  34  ff.).  Dr.  Stoett  tells 
us  that  this  construction  in  Middle  Dutch  is  borrowed  from  the 
French.  With  this  statement  compare  J.  W.  Bright,  "  The 
Objective  Absolute  in  English,"  in  Modern  Language  Notes, 
v,  1890,  pp.  80-81 ;  C.  H.  Ross,  The  Absolute  Participle  in 
Middle  and  Modern  English,  a  Johns  Hopkins  dissertation  of 
1893 ;  and  Eugen  Einenkel,  Historische  Syntax,  Strassburg, 
1916,  pp.  58-60. 

C.     The  Absolute  Nominative 

A  few  sporadic  examples  (about  ten  in  all)  occur  of  what 
appears  to  be  an  Absolute  Construction  in  the  Nominative  Case, 
an  idiom  unknown  in  West-Saxon,  as  I  have  tried  to  show  in 
my  aforementioned  dissertation.  A  typical  example  is  found 
in  Matthew  1.20 :  Sas  soSlice  <5e  he  dencende  uel  tSohte  Sa  cuom 


36  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisjarne  Gospels 

heno  engel  drihtnes  in  suoefnum  uel  in  slepe  setdeaude  him  = 
haec  autem  eo  cogitante  ecce  angelus  domini  in  somnis  apparuit 
ei  (W.  S. :  dat.  abs. ;  Rushw. :  cfv.).  In  these  Northumbrian 
examples  it  is  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  nominative  is  due 
merely  to  errors  in  case-relations  (an  error  of  a  sort  not  infre- 
quent in  these  gospels),  or  whether  the  glossator  thought  the 
nominative  grammatically  allowable.  Personally  I  am  inclined 
to  believe  that  the  nominative  is  due  to  contamination,  or,  bet- 
ter, to  the  mixture  of  two  constructions.  In  several  of  the  ex- 
amples, as  in  the  one  just  quoted,  the  glossator  gives  two  alter- 
native constructions,  (1)  the  finite  verb  and  (2)  the  participle, 
the  former  calling  for  a  nominative  and  the  latter  for  an  oblique 
case,  but,  in  these  sporadic  instances  of  the  nominative  absolute, 
he  gives  us — in  all  but  three  examples — the  nominative  only. 
In  these  three  exceptional  instances  we  find  the  nominative  in- 
terchanging with  the  accusative:  in  Mat.  6.3,  12.46,  and  Mk. 
5.35,  all  quoted  below  and  also  under  the  Absolute  Accusative. 
In  nine  of  the  examples,  the  Latin  original  has  the  ablative  ab- 
solute; in  one  (Mk.  I.  5.3)  the  Latin  has  an  appositive  dative 
of  the  participle,  but  the  glossator  has  mistaken  the  dative  of  the 
noun  (scriboe)  for  the  nominative,  plural. 

The  examples  of  the  Nominative  Absolute  are  in  full  as 
follows : — 

I.      THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE     (6) 

The  Nominative  of  the  Absolute  Present  Participle  ends  nor- 
mally in  -nde,  occasionally  in  -nd.  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§§  527,  532,  534,  and  538. 

fregna,  enquire  (1)  :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  5.3:  da  boecere  of  bod  aes 
jregnende  twufald  lufes  sedeawde  =  Scriba?  de  mandato  legis 
interroganti  geminum  dilectionis  osteudit.  [Cook:  jregnende. 
pres.  p. ;  boecere,  npm.  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  293,  makes  boecere 
nominative,  plural,  masculine,  but  does  not  cite  jregnende. 
So  far  as  its  form  is  concerned,  boecere  could  be  a  dative,  singu- 
lar; and,  of  course,  jregnende  could  be  a  dative-instrumental, 
singular,  masculine;  accordingly,  at  first  I  put  this  example 


The  Absolute  Participle  37 

under  the  appositive  use.  But,  as  boecere  is  preceded  by  da, 
the  noun  was  probably  intended  for  the  plural  by  the  glossator, 
who  mistook  scribes  for  the  nominative,  plural,  instead  of  the 
dative,  singular ;  I  do  not  feel  sure  as  to  what  case  he  intended 
fregnende  to  be  in. 

geonga,  go  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  9.27:  &  geongende  uel  $a  geeode 
Sona  (5e  hoelend  gefylgdon  hine  uel  him  tuoege  bisene  uel 
blinde  —  Et  transeunte  inde  iesu  secuti  sunt  eum  duo  caeci. 
[Rushw. :  cfv. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — Professor  Cook  does  not  classify 
noun  or  participle  here,  nor  does  Dr.  Carpenter.] 

spreca,  speak  (2):  Mat.  (1)  :  12.46a:  geonse  hine  uel  he 
spraecc  uel  sprcecend  to  menigom  heonu  moder  his  &  broSero 
stondas  uel  gestodon  =  Athuc  eo  loquente  ad  turbas  ecce  mater 
eius  et  fratres  stabant  foris.  [Rushw. :  sfv. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — 
Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not  cited.]  Mk.  (1):  5.35b:  8a 
geone  hine  uel  he  sprecende  cuomon  .  .  .  aldormenn  =  adhuc 
eo  loquente  ueniunt  etc.  [Rushw. :  (5a  geona  he  sprecende 
comon. — Cook:  not  cited ;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

Senca,  think  (1):  Mat.  (1):  1.20:  Sas  soSlice  Se  he  cfen- 
cende  uel  Sohte  (5a  cuom  heno  engel  drihtnes  in  suoefnum  uel 
in  slepe  aetdeaude  him  =  haec  autem  eo  cogitante  ecce  angelus 
domini  in  somnis  apparuit  ei.  [Rushw. :  cfv. ;  W.  S. :  dat. 
abs. — Cook:  pres.  p.;  Carpenter:  not  classified.] 

wyrca,  work,  do  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  6.3:  flu  uel  Seh  uutedlice 
wyrcende  (5a  aellmissa  nyta  winstra  Sin  huset  wyrcas  uel  doas 
suiSra  (5in  =  te  autem  faciente  aelmosyna  nesciat  sinistra  tua 
quid  faciat  dextera  tua.  [Rushw. :  dat.  abs. ;  W.  S. :  sfv. — 
Cook:  not  classified;  Carpenter:  not  classified.] 

II.      THE  PRETERITE  PARTICIPLE    (4) 

The  Nominative  of  the  Absolute  Preterite  Participle  ends, 
in  the  singular,  in  -d  or  in  -en;  in  the  plural,  in  -do  or  in  -de. 

eftasaecga,  say,  relate  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  5.4:  soecende  of 
niming  hera  in  sabatum  eftascegd  dauid  bisen  forcuom  = 
Quaerentes  de  uulsione  spicarum  in  sabbatis  relato  dauid  exem- 


38  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

plo  conuincit  (or  predicate  nominative?).  [Cook:  eftascegd, 
pp. ;  bisen,  nsfn. ;  Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

forleta,  leave  (1):  L.  (1):  10.30b:  fromfoerdon  half  cwic 
uel  lifigiende  forleten  =  abienmt  semiuiuo  relicto.  [Rushw. : 
lacking;  W.  S. :  cfv. — Cook:  forleten,  pp. ;  half-cwic,  "  asm.  ?  " 
Carpenter:  not  cited.] 

(ge)ceiga,  call  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  3.23:  &  efne  geceigdo  6a  ilco 
uel  miSoy  geceigd  weron  o"a  ilco  in  bispellum  cuoeS  he  = 
conuocatis  eis  in  parabolis  dicebat.  [Rushw. :  &  efne  gicegde  da 
ilcv  in  bispellum  cwEeo" ;  W.  S. :  cfv. — Cook :  efnegeceigdo, 
npm. ;  ilco  not  cited  for  this  passage;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  554: 
efnegeceigdo,  npm.] 

(ge)claensiga,  cleanse  (1) :  L.  (1):  I.  9.8:  tea  uel  teno 
hreafo  geclcensade  an  ...  to  (5ongunge  gewoende  =  Decern 
leprosis  mundatis  unus  .  .  .  reuertitnr.  [Geclcensade  may  be 
indicative  preterite,  3rd  sg.,  as  Professor  Cook  holds.  Carpen- 
ter: not  cited.] 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

As  already  incidentally  indicated,  the  Absolute  Nominative  is 
in  each  instance  suggested  by  the  ablative  absolute  of  the  Latin 
original,  and  seems  to  arise  from  a  mixture  of  constructions, 
the  glossator  wavering  in  his  rendering  of  the  absolute  parti- 
ciple of  the  Latin  between  a  finite  verb,  which  requires  a  nomi- 
native as  its  subject,  and  an  absolute  participle,  which  requires 
an  oblique  case. 

APPENDIX    III 

THE  ABSOLUTE  NOMINATIVE  IN  THE  OTHER  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES 

By  scholars  of  no  slight  distinction  it  has  several  times 
been  claimed  that  we  have  two  examples  of  the  Absolute  Nomi- 
native in  Gothic,  namely,  in  Mark  6.21:  jah  waur(?ans  dags 
gatils  =  ical  yevone'vvs  r)fie'pa<;  evicaipov  and  in  John  11.44: 
urrann  sa  dau^a  gabundans  handuns  jah  fotuns  f  ask  jam  jah 
wlits  is  aural j a  bibundans  —  /cal  97  oyfns  avrov  <rovhapiq>  ire- 
pieSeSero.  Although  the  absolute  nominative  is  contended  for 
here,  among  others,  by  so  distinguished  a  scholar  as  Professor 


The  Absolute  Participle  39 

Streitberg  (in  his  Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  3rd  and  4th  ed., 
Heidelberg,  1910,  §  244),  and  as  Professor  Einenkel  (in  his 
Historische  Syntax,  3rd  ed.,  Strasburg,  1916,  p.  58),  it  seems 
to  me  that  Dr.  W.  van  Helten,  in  his  "  Gab  es  Einen  Got.  Nomi- 
nations Absolutus?"  (in  Paul  and  Braune's  Beitrdge  zur  Ge- 
schichte  der  Deutschen  Sprache  und  Literatur,  xxxv,  1909,  pp. 
310-311),  has  shown  that  in  each  passage  we  probably  have  some 
sophistication  of  the  text,  and  that  Ulfilas  probably  used  a  finite 
verb  in  each.  Nor  does  Dr.  Ant.  Beer's  effort,  in  his  "  Gab  es 
Einen  Gotischen  Nominativus  Absolutus?  "  (in  the  same  peri- 
odical, xxxvn,  1911,  pp.  169-171),  to  overthrow  the  theory 
advocated  but  not  originated  by  Dr.  van  Helten  seem  to  me  suc- 
cessful. For  other  discussions  of  these  two  passages,  by  Gabel- 
entz  and  Loebe,  by  Uppstrom,  Bernhardt,  Riickert,  Gering,  and 
Liicke,  see  the  references  given  by  Professor  Streitberg,  by  Dr. 
van  Helten,  and  Dr.  Beer;  also  M.  J.  van  der  Meer,  Gotische 
Casussyntaxis,  §  5,  b;  and  The  Absolute  Participle  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  pp.  31-36. 

Concerning  alleged  examples  of  the  Nominative  Absolute  in 
New  High  German,  see  F.  Blatz,  Neuhochdeutsche  Gram- 
rnatih,  u,  pp.  310-311,  and  T.  Matthias,  "  Zur  Geschichte  der 
Deutschen  Mittelwortfiigungen,"  pp.  705-708. 

On  page  40  I  give  a  synoptic  table  of  the  Absolute  Participle 
in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  showing  the  approximate  number 
of  examples  in  the  Dative-Instrumental,  the  Accusative,  and 
the  Nominative. 

D.     The  Uses  of  the  Absolute  Participle 

As  in  West-Saxon,  the  chief  use  of  the  absolute  participle 
in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  to  denote  Time,  as  in  Mat.  28.13b: 
lorstelun  uel  stelende  weron  hine  us  slependum  =  furati  sunt 
eum  nobis  dormientibus ;  Mat.  9.18:  Sas  hine  sprecende  to  him 
uel  Ssem  heonu  aldormonn  an  geneolecde  =  Haec  illo  loquente 
ad  eos  ecce  princeps  unus  accessit  (Rushw. :  Sa  he  Sis  spraec). 
Almost  a  hundred  examples  of  this  use  have  been  found. 

At  times  the  absolute  phrase  seems  to  denote  an  action  almost 


40 


The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


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The  Absolute  Participle  41 

Co-ordinate  with  that  of  the  principal  verb,  a  use  of  the  abso- 
lute participle  corresponding  to  what  I  have  denominated  the 
co-ordinate  use  of  the  appositive  participle.22  Possible  exam- 
ples are  seen  in  Mk.  16.20b>c:  bodadon  eghussr  drihtne  mid- 
wyrcende  &  Saet  word  trymende  miS  fylgendum  becenum  uel 
tacenum  =  praedicauerunt  ubique  domino  co-operante  et  ser- 
monem  confirmante  sequentibus  signis.  Other  examples  ob- 
served are:  Mat.  I.  21.4;  I.  19.12b;— L.  I.  8.5b;  I.  10.2b; 
6.20;  10.30b;  24.47;—/.  I.  1.13;  I.  6.13;  I.  8.3b;  I.  5.6;  I. 
6.9b;  I.  8.3a. 

Occasionally  the  phrase  denotes  Manner,  as  in  Mat.  17.14: 
geneolecde  to  him  monn  cneum  gewcelteno  before  hine  cue(5  = 
accessit  ad  eum  homo  genibus  prouolutis  ante  eum  dicens.  For 
other  examples  (all  that  I  observed)  see  Mat.  I.  20.20c;  I. 
17.12;  27.29a;— Mk.  10.17;  12.20a;— L.  24.50. 

At  times  the  phrase  denotes  the  Cause  of  the  main  action,  as 
in  L.  I.  5.10:  Srsel  gemeS  biddendum  fore  hine  celdrum  & 
megum  =  senium  curat  rogantibus  pro  eo  senioribus  et  amicis. 
See,  too,  Mat.  I.  18.18;  15.12;— L.  9.43;—/.  I.  5.3a:  6.18 
(or  means?). 

Rarely  the  phrase  denotes  Means,  as  in  Mat.  I.  8.10:  set- 
eawas  fewr  ana  uel  noht  mar  a  se  reht  godspellas  to  onfoanne  & 
alle  wiSerweardra  gedwola  deada  swiSor  slitenum  Son  ciricen- 
dum  hlifienddum  singendum  =  ostenditur  quattuor  tantum  de- 
bere  euangelia  suscipi  et  omnes  apocriforum  nenias  (sic  for 
uenias?)  mortuis  magis  hereticis  quam  ecclesiasticis  uiuis  ca- 
nendis.    See,  also,  Mat.  I.  16.3b; — L.  I.  5.4. 

Rarely,  too,  the  phrase  denotes  Concession,  as  in  J.  20.26: 
cuom  se  hselend  bityndum  durum  =  uenit  iesus  ianuis  clausis. 
See,  too,  Mat.  I.  19.1  ( ?) ;— L.  I.  9.8. 

The  table  below  shows,  approximately,  the  distribution  of 
these  several  uses  in  the  four  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  As  to  the 
classification  of  individual  examples,  of  course,  there  is  no  little 
room  for  difference  of  opinion. 

■  See  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  285-289. 


42 


The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


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The  Absolute  Participle  43 

E.     Origin  of  the  Idioms  with  the  Absolute  Participle  : 
Summary  Statement 

For  the  sake  of  brevity  and  of  convenience,  the  Origin  of  the 
Absolute  Participle  has  been  discussed  as  each  case  that  is  used 
absolutely  has  been  treated.  See  the  preceding  sections,  espe- 
cially pp.  2-13  for  the  Dative-Instrumental;  pp.  25-34  for  the 
Accusative;  and  pp.  35-38  for  the  Nominative.  Here  I  will 
only  add,  by  way  of  general  summary,  that,  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels,  the  absolute  use  of  the  participle,  whether  in  the 
normal  dative-instrumental  case,  or  in  the  rarer  accusative  case, 
or  in  the  very  rare  nominative  case,  corresponds  almost  without 
exception  to  an  ablative  absolute  of  the  original  Latin,  and  is 
patently  due  to  Latin  influence.  The  use  of  the  accusative  in 
absolute  constructions  seems  to  have  arisen  from  an  interchange 
of  the  accusative  and  the  dative  cases  peculiar  to  the  Northum- 
brian dialect.  The  use  of  the  nominative  in  absolute  construc- 
tions appears  to  spring  from  a  confusion  of  constructions,  the 
glossator  halting  between  the  use  of  a  finite  verb  and  of  an  abso- 
lute participle,  as  explained  above,  p.  36.  But  that  the  absolute 
use  of  the  participle,  whether  in  the  dative-instrumental,  in  the 
accusative,  or  the  nominative,  is  not  a  native  Northumbrian 
idiom,  but  is  due  to  Latin  influence,  is  attested  not  only  by  the 
fact  stated  above,  namely,  that  the  absolute  construction  is 
found  only  in  translation  of  a  Latin  absolute  participle,  but  also 
by  this  further  fact,  that  in  the  majority  of  instances  the  glossa- 
tor renders  the  Latin  absolute  participle  by  a  finite  verb,  either 
co-ordinated  or  (somewhat  less  frequently)  subordinated.  In 
this  preference  for  the  finite  verb  over  the  participle,  the  Lindis- 
farne Gospels  stands  on  the  same  plane  as  does  the  West-Saxon 
Gospels,  nay  more,  as  do  West-Saxon  as  a  whole  and,  in  all 
probability,  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole.  But,  while  in 
the  West-Saxon  Gospels  the  subordinated  finite  verb  is  slightly 
more  frequently  used  than  is  the  co-ordinated  finite  verb  in 
translation  of  a  Latin  absolute  participle,  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  the  reverse  is  true. 


44  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

But,  while,  as  just  stated,  the  Latin  influence  in  the  develop- 
ment of  the  absolute  construction  in  Northumbrian  and  in 
West-Saxon  was  primary,  there  was  at  work  a  secondary  influ- 
ence of  native  origin,  which  is  manifested  in  the  expressions 
made  up  of  a  preposition  (in  Northumbrian  usually  mid,  in 
West-Saxon  be)  plus  a  substantive  and  a  participle  in  the 
dative-instrumental  each,  possibly,  also  (as  pointed  out  for 
Gothic  by  Professor  Delbriick),  of  a  substantive  in  the  dative 
of  the  person  interested  plus  a  participle  in  the  dative :  see  pp. 
16-17  above. 


CHAPTER  II 


THE  APPOSITIVE  PARTICIPLE 
Introduction 

A  participle  is  used  Appositively  "  when  the  connection  be- 
tween the  participle  and  its  principal  is  so  loose  that  the  two 
seem  to  constitute  two  independent  ideas ;  or,  to  use  the  words 
of  Sweet  (§90):  'When  the  subordination  of  an  assumptive 
(attributive)  word  to  its  head-word  is  so  slight  that  the  two  are 
almost  co-ordinate,  the  adjunct-word  is  said  to  be  in  apposition  to 
its  head-word.'  "  1  Typical  examples  are  the  following: — Mat. 
26. 7a:  cuom  to  him  wif  hcebbende  staenna  fulle  smirinisse  = 
accessit  ad  eum  mulier  habens  alabastrum  ungenti ;  Mat.  26.10 : 
Sa  wittende  uel  wiste  uutedlice  (5e  haelend  cue(5  =  sciens  autem 
iesus  ait;  Mat.  25.9  :  geonduordon  hogo  cuoedendo  =  responder- 
unt  prudentes  dicentes. 

As  the  examples  just  given  show,  under  the  Appositive  Par- 
ticiple I  include  not  only  the  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  a 
dependent  adverbial  clause,  but  also  the  participle  that  is  equiva- 
lent to  a  dependent  adjectival  (relative)  clause  and  the  parti- 
ciple that  is  substantially  equivalent  to  an  independent  clause. 
For  a  detailed  discussion  of  this  classification,  see,  below,  the 
section  (C)  on"  the  Uses  of  the  Appositive  Participle." 

For  the  light  that  it  throws  upon  Northumbrian  and  Ger- 
manic syntax,  the  appositive  participle  with  an  accusative 2 

1  Quoted  from  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saaon,  p.  143. 

2  In  a  few  instances,  I  have  included  under  the  heading  "  accusative 
object "  objects  that  in  form  are  not  accusative  but  that,  from  the  Modern 
English  standpoint,  seem  to  be  direct  objects,  as  in  Mk.  1.  41:  gerahte 
hond  his  &  gehran  uel  hrmande  him  cue8  =  extendit  manum  suam  et 
tangens  eum  ait;  and  in  L.  I.  5,  6a,  where  hrinendo  governs  him.  In  all 
the  examples  of  hrina  given  by  Cook  except  in  these  two,  it  governs  the 
accusative  of  a  noun.  The  use  of  him  here  but  reenforces  what  was  said 
above,  p.  28,  as  to  the  interchange  of  accusative  and  dative  forms  of  the 
pronouns. 

45 


46  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindi-sfarne  Gospels 

object  is  everywhere  separated  from  the  appositive  participle 
without  an  accusative  object, — a  distinction  obviously  of  more 
importance  for  the  present  participle  than  for  the  preterite 
participle. 

A.     The  Present  Participle 

I.     WITH  AN   OBJECT 

The  Present  Appositive  Participle  with  an  Accusative  Object 
is  much  more  frequent  in  the  Northumbrian  Gloss  than  in  the 
West-Saxon  translation  of  the  Gospels,  243  examples  (299  in- 
cluding the  "  Introductions  ")  occurring  in  the  former  to  122 
in  the  latter. 

The  following  are  typical  examples: — Mat.  10.12:  groetas 
<5a  ilco  (5us  cuefiende  etc.  =  salutate  earn  dicentes  etc. ;  Mat. 
26.27a:  &  genimmende  colic  Soncunco  dyde  =  Et  accipiens 
calicem  gratias  egit ;  Mat.  8.28 :  geurnon  him  tuoege  hcebbende 
uel  hsefdon  diobles  =  occurrerunt  ei  duo  habentes  daemonia. 

The  statistics  in  full  of  the  Present  Appositive  Participle 
having  an  Accusative  Object  are  as  follows  (299  in  all,  56  m 
the  Introductions)  : — 

1.     In  the  Nominative,  Singular  or  Plural 
(239  in  all,  26  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Nominative  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  with 
an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  (in  the  singular, 
all  genders,  and  in  the  plural,  masculine  and  feminine)  ;  oc- 
casionally in  -ndo  (in  the  plural,  masculine  and,  possibly, 
neuter3)  ;  rarely  in  -nd  (in  the  singular,  masculine),  in  -nda? 
(in  the  singular,  masculine),  and  in  -nda  (in  the  plural,  mas- 
culine). See  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527,  532,  534,  and  538.  The 
vowel  preceding  the  above  endings  is  usually  e,  but  is  occa- 
sionally a  or  op  or  o:  for  details,  see  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  529  ff., 

3  See  L.  15.  9  (Sa  icif  .  .  .  cuoeftendo)  ;  and  compare  LindeloP,  I.  c,  p. 
237,  who  tells  us  that,  while  wif  is  usually  neuter,  it  is  sometimes  feminine. 


The  Appositive  Participle  47 

and  Kolbe,  I.  c,  §§  207  ff.    When  no  ending  is  given  in  the  fol- 
lowing statistics,  -nde  is  to  be  understood. 

beada,  order,  command  (1) :  J .  (1)  :  I.  8.11b. 

bearna,  bum  (1)  :  J".  (1) :  5.35a. 

bebeada,   order,  command   (1)  :  Mat.    (1):   11.1    (or  Pre- 
dicative?). 

behalda,  behold  (1) :  Mh.  (1) :  10.21  (-nd). 

bera,  bear,  carry  (3) :  L.  (2) :  5.18a:  22.10b— J".  (1)  :  19.15. 

bida,  await,  expect  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.25  (-nd). 

bidda,  pray  (1) :  Mk.  (1)  :  11.24. 

bita  (bidta),  bite  (1):  ifcffc.  (1):  1.26a  (bidtende). 

brenga,  bring  (1) :  ilffc.  (1) :  2.3. 

caerra:  see  cerra. 

ceiga,  call  (2):  ilfa*.  (1):  I.  1.8  (-nda?).—Mk.  (1):  3.31 
(-ndo). 

cerra  (caerra),  to,  move  (2):  Mat.  (1):  27.39b. — Mk. 
(1):  15.29c. 

cliop(p)iga,  cry  out,  exclaim  (4):  Ifai.  (2):  9.27a; 
11.16b  — L.  (2):  3.4;  4.41a. 

COStiga,  tempt  (1)  :  ilfk  (1) :  8.11c  (-ndo). 

cunniga,  tempt  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  19. 3a. 

cursiga,  pZa£  (1) :  Iffc.  (1) :  15.17  (-ndo). 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (155):  Mat.  (61):  I.  5.1;  I.  8.4;  I. 
16.14b  (-nd);  2.2;  8.27,  29,  31;  9.14  (-ndo),  27b,  33;  10.7, 
12;  12.38;  13.3a,  31;  14.26b,  27,  33;  15.1  (-ndo),  7,  21,  23, 
25;  17.5b,  10*;  18.1,  26,  28;  19.3b;  20.12,  21  (-ndo),  30b 
(-ndo) ;  21.10,  20  (-ndo),  23b,  25;  22.24;  24.3,  5;  25.9  (-ndo), 
11  (-ndo),  44  (-ndo),  45 ;  26.8b,  17a,  27b,  39b,  42,  44b,  48,  68; 
27.11,  23,  29b,  40,  41,  46,  54b,  62;  28.13a,  18b.— Mk.  (38) :  I. 
5.9*;  1.7a,  15,  24a  25,  27;  2.12;  3.11  (-ndo)  ;  5.12  (-ndo),  23, 
35b;  6.2,  35;  7.37;  8.15,  16,  26,  28,  33 ;  9.6,  11,  25,  38a;  10.26, 
35,  49b;  11.9,  17,  31;  12.6,  18;  14.39b,  44,  57  (-ndo),  60,  68; 
15.29d,  34.— L.  (43):  I.  4.5b;  I.  7.9a;  1.66,  67;  3.10;  4.34a, 
41b  (^nda);  5.12,  21b;  7.20;  8.8b,  24,  54;  9.18,  35;  13.25c 
(-ndo),  31  (-ndo)  ;  14.30a  (-ndo)  ;  15.2,  9  (-ndo)  ;  17.4,  13 
(-ndo)  ;  18.13;  19.16,  38;  20.2  (-ndo),  5,  21  (-ndo),  27  {-ndo)  ; 


48  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

21.7a  (-ndo),  8  (-ndo)  ;  22.19,  64  {-ndo),  66  (-ndo)  ;  23.2b 
(-ndo),  5  (-ndo),  18,  21  (-ndo),  35b  (-ndo),  37  (-ndo)  ;  24.23a 
(-ndo),  29  (-?m?o);  27.7.—/.  (13):  I.  4.5  (-ndo)  ;  I.  7.9a; 
1.15;  4.31  (-ndo),  51b  (-ndo)  ;  6,  52a  (-ndo)  ;  11.3  (-ndo),  31 
(-ndo);  12.21;  18.22,  40;  19.6  (-ndo),  12  (-rwZo). 

doa,  do,  make  (2)  :  ».  (1)  :  I.  1.2a  (-nd).-L.  (1) :  17.16 
(-nd). 

doema,  judge  (2)  :  Mat.  (1) :  19.28.— L.  (1) :  22.30. 

eftwaecca,  resuscitate  (1)  :  ilfatf.  (1) :  I.  18.9C. 

forbeada,  /orOtd,  prohibit  (1)  :  Mfc.  (1)  :  I.  4.11  (-nd). 

forebeada,  forbid,  prohibit  (1):  Mk.  (1) :  I.  4.15a  (-nd). 

forleta,  dismiss  (3):  Mk.  (1):  26.44a.— Mk.  (2):  4.36; 
14.50  (-ndo). 

fraigna:  see  fregna. 

fregna  (fraigna),  enquire,  ask  (2) :  Mk.  (2) :  I.  4.8a;  I.  5.4. 

fulwiga,  baptize  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  28.19. 

gearwiga,  prepare  (2)  :  Mat.  (1) :  27.28.— L.  (1) :  I.  8.13b. 

gebidda,  pray  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  26.39a. 

gebloedsiga,  bless  (1) :  L.  (1) :  24.53b. 

gelsera,  teach  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  7.7. 

genim(m)a,  take,  accept  (3) :  Mat.  (3) :  26.27a,  37a;  27.6 

genioma :  see  genim (m)a. 

gesea,  see  (2) :  Mat.  (2) :  26.8a;  27.54a. 

geteara,  tear  (1) :  ilffc.  (1) :  9.26. 

habba,  have  (6) :  Mat.  (2)  :  8.28;  26.7a.—  Mk.  (3) :  I.  2.5b; 
1.22;  8.18.— J.  (1):  5.5. 

halda,  hold  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  3.11  (-nd). 

heriga,  pra^e  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.20b  (-ndo). 

hrina,  /onc/t  (2):  Mb.  (1):  1.41.— L.  (1):  I.  5.6a  (-ndo). 

hyhta,  /tope  (1) :  L.  (1) :  6.35  (-ndo). 

lsera,  £eac/i  (2) :  Mat.  (2)  :  9.35  ;  28.20a. 

lofiga,  praise  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  24.53a  (-ndo;  or  Predicative?). 

merciga,  seal  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  27.66. 

nim(m)a  (nioma),  take,  hold  (4):  ilfa£.  (3):  I.  10.3; 
26.57;  27.27.— J.  (1):  2.6. 

Ilioma:  see  nim(m)a. 


The  Appositive  Participle  49 

ondeta,  confess  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  1.5. 
onginna,  begin  (1) :  Mfc.  (1) :  I.  1.10. 
sella,  #w>e  up  (1) :  3/a.^.  (1) :  27.4. 
senda,  send  (2) :  Jlfa<.  (1) :  27.35.— L.  (1) :  I.  10.12. 
setta,  set,  place  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  8.3b. 
sla,  s«e  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  26.51. 

soeca,   seek    (7):   M<tf.    (3):    12.43,   46b,   47.— MA:.    (1) : 
8.11b  — L.  (1):  11.24.—^/.  (2):  I.  5.5a  (-ndo) ;  6.24  (-ndo). 
spreca,  speak,  say  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  17.3. 
Witta  (wuta),  know  (1)  :  Ma£.  (1)  :  26.10. 
worpa,  throw  away  (1) :  Ma£.  (1) :  27.5a. 
wuldriga,  glorify  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  2.20a  (-rufo). 
wundriga,  wonder  at,  admire  (1)  :  MAr.  (1) :  I.  3.8. 
wyrca,  work,  make  (1) :  /.  (1) :  5.18b. 

2.     In  the  Genitive,  Singular  or  Plural 
(11  in  all,  7  in  the  "Introductions") 

The  Genitive  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  with  an 
Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -ndes  for  the  singular  (mas- 
culine) and  in  -ndra  for  the  plural  (masculine)  ;  occasionally  in 
-nde  (in  the  singular,  masculine  and  feminine).  Compare  Car- 
penter, I.  c,  §§  527,  536,  and  541. 

bidda,  pray  (2)  :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  4.6  (-nde;  Cook:  pres.  p. ;  Car- 
penter, I.  c,  §  527:  gsm.). — /.  (1) :  5.3  (-ndra). 

bodiga,  preach,  command  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  22.2  (-ndes). 

cliopiga,  cry  out,  exclaim  (1):  Mat.  (1):  3.3b  (or  nom.  ? 
-nde;  Cook:  gsm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  535 :  gsm.). 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (2):  L.  (1):  2.13b  (-ndra). — J.  (1): 
I.  4.7  (-ndes). 

heriga,  praise  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  2.13a  (-ndra). 

nioma,  pluck  (1):  Mat.  (1) :  I.  18.20  (-ndra). 

saecga,  say,  declare  (1):  Mk.  (1):  I.  1.6a  (-nde;  Cook: 
pres.  p.). 

setta,  institute,  set  up  (1)  :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  1.4b  (-ndes). 

wyrca,  work  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  14.9  (-nde;  Cook:  gsm. ;  Car- 
penter, I.  c,  §  536:  gsm.). 

4 


50  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

3.     In  the  Dative-Instrumental,  Singular  or  Plural 
(22  in  all,  14  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  the  Appositive  Present  Parti- 
ciple with  an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  (in  the 
singular,  the  masculine  regularly  and  the  feminine  occasion- 
ally) and  in  -ndum  (in  the  plural,  masculine).  Compare  Car- 
penter, I.  c,  §§  527,  532,  and  542.  When  no  ending  is  given 
below,  -ndum  is  to  be  understood. 

abida,  await,  expect  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  12.36. 

sefterfylga,  follow  (1) :  L.  (1) :  7.9. 

bidda,  ask,  request  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  19.6a. 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (3) :  Mh.  (1) :  I.  4.2b  (-nde).— L.  (1) : 
7.32«.— J.  (1) :  I.  5.7  (-nde). 

fraigna,  see  fregna. 

fregna  (fraigna),  request  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  21.19. 

gefraigna,  enquire  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  21.13  (-nde). 

giwiga,  request,  demand  (2) :  L.  (2) :  I.  9.13  (-nde)  ;  6.30 
(-nde). 

habba,  have  (1) :  Mh.  (1) :  3.3  (-nde). 

halda,  hold  (1):J.  (1):I.  7.7. 

helpa,  help  (1):L,  (1) :  I.  7.1  (-nde). 

licga,  throw,  cast  (1) :  Mh.  (1)  :  I.  4.6b  (licendum  =  iactan- 
tibus). 

lufiga,  Zowe  (1) :  J.  (1):  I.  7.6. 

soeca,  seek  (3):  MaL  (1):  13.45  (-nde).— Mh.  (1):  I. 
3.19a.— /.  (1):  I.  2.5b. 

timbra,  build  (2) :  L.  (2)  :  6.48  (-nde)  ;  6.49  (-nde). 

wilniga,  desire  (I):  J.  (1) :  I.  6.14c. 

witgiga,  prophesy  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  3.16b  (-nde). 

4.    In  ^e  Accusative,  Singular  or  Plural 
(27  in  all,  9  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Accusative  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  with  an 
Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  (in  the  singular,  all 
genders,  and  in  the  plural,  masculine)  ;  occasionally  in  -nd  (in 


The  Appositive  Participle  51 

the  singular,  masculine)  and  in  -ndo  (in  the  singular  and  in  the 
plural,  each  masculine).  Compare  Carpenter,  I.e.,  §§  527, 
532,  535,  and  538.  When  no  ending  is  given  below,  -nde  is  to 
be  understood. 

CUoeSa,  say,  declare  (10):  Mat.  (9):  1.22;  2.15,  17;  3.3a; 
8.17;  12.17;  13.35  (cuoeden  for  cuoedende?  Cook:  pres.  p.; 
Carpenter,  I.  c.,  §  533 :  it  is  for  cuoefiend)  ;  21.4  (-ndo)  ;  27.9. — 
Mk.  (1):  I.  3.1b. 

doa,  do,  make  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  15.10  (-nd)  ;  Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§532:  asm.). 

giwiga,  demand,  request  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  4.14b. 

habba,  have  (7) :  Mat.  (2) :  9.32  (-nd) ;.  18.8.— Mk.  (4) : 
1.32a,  b.  9<i7 .  ii.i3._L.  (1):  15.7.—/.  (1) :  I.  4.8. 

lseda,  lead  (1)  :  J.  (1) :  I.  3.6. 

lufiga,  love  (1):  L.  (1):  6.32. 

onsacca,  refuse  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  8.8b. 

senda,  send,  cast  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  5.6  (senden  for  sendende? 
Cook:  pres.  p.,  asf . ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  535:  "senden  asf.  Mk. 
Pr.  5,  6,  ist  wahrscheinlich  eine  nicht  ausgeschriebene  form 
(vgl.  §466)"). 

unwita,  not  to  know  (1):  Mk.  (1):  I.  5.9  (-ndo;  Cook: 
apm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  538 :  apm.). 

wilniga,  desire,  wish  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  I.  6.12  (-ndo;  Cook:  apn., 
a  typographical  error  for  apm.  f    Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  538  :  apm.). 

witta:  see  wuta. 

WUta  (witta),  know  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  7.18. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

Irrespective  of  its  case,  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  with 
an  Object  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  Latin  original.  (1)  In  all  instances  except  eight,  the 
Northumbrian  appositive  present  participle  with  an  object 
translates  a  Latin  appositive  present  participle  with  an  object. 
In  these  eight  examples  the  Latin  correspondents  are  as  follows : 
a  gerundive  in  the  accusative  (Mat.  i.  18. 9C),  1;  a  substantiv- 
ized participle  with  an  accusative  object   (L.  3.4,   6.32),  2; 


52  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

an  ablative  absolute  in  the  passive  (Mat.  26.37a,  44a;  27.5a,  6, 
54a),  5.  Moreover,  (2)  in  the  majority  of  instances  (in  555 
out  of  846  examples,  or  in  the  ratio  of  about  1.52  to  1,  for  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels  as  a  whole),  the  Latin  appositive  present 
participle  with  an  object  is  translated  otherwise  than  by  an  ap- 
positive participle,  usually  by  a  co-ordinated  4  finite  verb  (about 
508  times),  occasionally  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (about  40 
times),  or  in  the  ratio  of  12.7  to  l.5  The  Northumbrian  gloss, 
then,  was  more  influenced  by  the  Latin  than  was  the  West- 
Saxon  translation  of  the  Gospels,  in  which  latter,  as  was  stated 
earlier  in  this  chapter,  only  122  present  appositive  participles 
with  an  object  occur ;  but,  like  the  translator  of  the  West-Saxon 
Gospels,  the  glossator  normally  adhered  to  the  native  English 
idiom  of  finite  verb  instead  of  participle.  (3)  The  idiom  in 
West-Saxon  and  probably  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole 
was  borrowed  from  the  Latin.  See  The  Appositive  Participle 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  297-313,  especially  pp.  307-313. 

APPENDIX    IV 

THE  GOVERNING  POWER  OF  THE  APPOSITIVE  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE 
IN  THE  GERMANIC  LANGUAGES 

Although  the  thesis  that,  in  Anglo-Saxon  and  in  the  Ger- 
manic languages  as  a  whole,  the  Appositive  Present  Participle 
originally  had  not  the  Power  of  Governing  an  Accusative  Object, 
but  acquired  this  power  from  the  Latin  or  (in  the  case  of 
Gothic)  from  the  Greek,  first  enunciated  by  me  in  The  Apposi- 

4  The  very  large  number  of  co-ordinated  finite  verbs  is  partly  due,  no 
doubt,  to  the  frequency  of  the  co-ordinate  use  of  the  present  participle  in 
the  Latin  original,  but  also  to  the  glossator's  lack  of  feeling  for  subordinate 
conceptions.  Notice,  for  instance,  his  not  infrequent  translation  of  the 
Latin  present  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  a  dependent  relative  clause 
by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb,  as  in  J.  14.10:  uorda  tSa  ic  spreco  iuh  from 
me  seolfum  ne  spreco  ic  se  f  seder  uutudlice  in  mec  uunaS  he  uel  Se  uyrcas 
oa  uerca  =  uerba  quae  ego  loquor  uobis  a  me  ipso  non  loquor  pater  autem  in 
me  martens  ipse  facit  opera. 

B  Of  the  remaining  7  examples  in  the  Latin,  the  participle  is  thus  ren- 
dered :  by  a  noun  in  an  oblique  case,  1 ;  by  an  adverb,  1 ;  omitted,  5. 


The  Appositive  Participle  53 

tive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  307-314,  339-341,  and  re- 
affirmed in  the  preceding  discussion  of  the  Present  Participle 
having  an  object  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  was  generally  ac- 
cepted by  the  English  grammarians  that  chanced  to  review  that 
monograph,  the  fact  that  the  thesis  was  questioned  by  so  dis- 
tinguished an  Indo-Germanic  grammarian  as  the  late  Professor 
Victor  Henry,  leads  me  to  give  here  a  few  additional  statements 
in  support  of  this  thesis.  Professor  Henry  did  me  the  honor  to 
publish  a  most  gracious  review  of  my  monograph  on  the  Apposi- 
tive Participle,  in  the  Revue  Critique  d'Histoire  et  de  Littera- 
ture,  of  October  14,  1901,  pp.  285-286.  Were  it  not  unfair  to 
Professor  Henry,  I  should  quote  only  the  sentences  questioning 
the  thesis  above  stated.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  I  shall  be  par- 
doned for  quoting  the  review  in  its  entirety.     It  runs : 

"L'auteur  appelle  '  participe  appositif,'  present  ou  passe,  le 
type  syntactique  '  Taillefer  allait  chantant '  ou  '  Roland  tomba 
perce  de  coups.'  Ce  type,  a  son  tour,  suivant  des  distinctions 
subtiles,  mais  ici  necessaires  parce  qu'elles  servent  de  reperes  a. 
une  statistique  minutieuse,  se  rencontre  en  triple  f  onction,  avec 
une  inegale  frequence,  dans  les  langues  germaniques:  d'adjectif, 
lorsqu'il  qualifie  specifiquement  le  substantif  de  la  proposition ; 
d'adverbe,  si  la  modification  porte  sur  le  verbe;  coordonnee, 
enfin,  quand  il  tient  lieu  d'une  autre  proposition  construite  en 
parataxe.  De  la  rarete  de  cette  derniere  fonction  et  de  la  plu- 
part  des  emplois  adverbiaux  dans  les  plus  anciens  textes  anglo- 
saxons,  de  la  tendance  marquee  d' Alfred  et  autres  auteurs  a 
remplacer  le  participe  appositif  du  texte  latin  qu'ils  traduisent 
par  une  parataxe  ou  une  hypotaxe  ou  quelque  expedient  equiva- 
lent, M.  Callaway  conclut  que  ces  constructions,  etrangeres  au 
vieux  fonds  germanique,  ne  se  sont  implantees  que  plus  tard 
sous  une  influence  monastique  et  litteraire,  et  que  la  fonction 
d'adjectif  etait  primitivement  a.  peu  pres  la  seule  connue.  Con- 
firmee par  le  temoignage  des  langues-sceurs,  puisque  aujour- 
d'hui  encore  l'allemand  (p.  336)  deploie  dans  l'usage  des  parti- 
cipes  beaucoup  moins  de  liberte  et  de  souplesse  que  l'anglais, 
cette  induction  generale  semble  pleinement  satisfaisante.     Cer- 


54  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

tains  resultats  accessoires  provoquent,  sinon  la  mefiance,  du 
moins  la  surprise:  par  exemple,  l'impuissance  du  participe  ap- 
positif  anglo-saxon  a  regir  un  complement  (p.  351).  Ce  trait 
est  absolument  contradictoire  a  ce  que  nous  savons  de  la  syntaxe 
indo-europeenne,  ou  tout  nom  verbal  etait  apte  a  gouverner  un 
nom  d'objet  comme  l'eut  fait  le  verbe  lui-meme.  Or,  plus  on 
avance  dans  l'histoire  de  la  langue,  plus  le  participe,  simple  nom 
a  l'origine  et  entierement  distinct  du  verbe,  s'incorpore  a  la 
conjugaison  et  en  devient  partie  integrante:  partageant  les  at- 
tributs  du  verbe  au  debut  meme,  a  plus  forte  raison  les  devrait- 
il  conserver  et  developper  alors  qu'il  est  devenu,  dans  le  concept 
du  sujet  parlant,  un  mode  du  verbe,  et  l'on  ne  s'explique  pas 
la  regression  qui  l'atteint  a.  ce  point  du  vue  dans  le  domains 
du  germanisme.  Mais  on  y  regardera  a.  deux  fois  a  partir  d'un 
pur  a  priori  pour  discuter  des  donnees  aussi  solidement  etablies 
que  celles  de  M.  Callaway:  il  n'a  pas  depouille  mois  de  dix- 
neuf  ouvrages  anglo-saxons,  dont  quelques  uns  fort  volumineux, 
sans  compter  les  originaux  latins  et  les  textes  d'autres  langues ; 
il  en  a  extrait  tous  les  exemples  de  participes  appositifs,  les  a 
classes  dans  ses  categories  theoriques,  et  transcrits,  pour  ceux 
dont  j'ai  verifie  l'exactitude,  avec  une  impeccable  correction. 
Encore  un  travail  qui  fait  heureusement  augurer  de  la  jeune  et 
robuste  philologie  du  Nouveau-Monde." 

I  shall  not  here  repeat  the  arguments  given  for  this  thesis  in 
The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon;  I  shall  strive  merely 
to  fortify  the  arguments  there  given  and  to  bring  the  discussion 
up  to  date.  At  the  time  of  publishing  that  monograph,  in  1901, 
I  had  seen  merely  a  summary  of  Professor  Nygaard's  "  Den 
Laerde  Stil  i  den  Norr0ne  Prosa,"  published  in  the  Sproglig 
Historiske  Studier  Tilegnede  Prof.  C.  R.  Unger,  Kristiania, 
1896,  pp.  153-170,  which  summary  I  quoted  from  the  Berlin 
Jahresbericht  uber  die  Erscheinungen  auf  dem  Gebiete  der 
Germanischen  Philologie  for  1896;  and  I  had  not  even  heard 
of  the  publication  of  Professor  Nygaard's  (for  my  purpose)  far 
more  important  article,  "  Om  Brugen  af  det  Saakaldte  Prsesens 
Particip  i  Oldnorsk,"  in  the  Aarb0ger  for  Nordish  Oldkyn- 


The  Appositive  Participle  55 

dighed  og  Historic,  Kj0benhavn,  1879,  pp.  203-228.  But  I 
have  recently  secured  these  two  articles,  and  they  seem  to  me  to 
show  unmistakably  that  what  I  have  claimed  concerning  the 
regimen  of  the  present  appositive  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  is 
equally  true  of  that  participle  in  Old  Norse.  In  the  second  of 
the  two  articles  mentioned,  for  example,  Professor  Nygaard 
declares  that,  in  the  earlier  and  more  original  Old  Norse  (which 
he  designates  by  the  adjective  classical),  the  present  appositive 
participle  of  transitive  verbs  is  very  rare  in  an  active  sense,  and 
that,  if  a  noun  object  is  added,  it  is  in  the  genitive  case  (p. 
216) :  "I  det  klassiske  sprog  bruges  praes.  part,  af  transitive 
verber  yderst  sjelden  med  aktiv  betydning,  og  f0ies  der  en 
styrelse  til  et  saadant,  staar  denne  i  genitiv."  On  the  other 
hand,  he  tells  us,  on  p.  213,  that,  in  translations  from  and  in 
imitations  of  a  foreign  language  (Latin),  the  present  participle 
of  transitive  verbs  occurs  frequently  in  the  appositive  use,  in 
an  active  sense,  and  that  in  this  use  the  participle  has  full 
verbal  power,  and  can  govern  an  accusative  object  precisely  as 
if  it  were  a  finite  verb.  The  passage  runs :  "  Praes.  part,  af 
transitive  verber  forekommer  hyppig  i  oversatte  skrifter  og, 
hvor  fremmed  sprogbrug  efterlignes,  navnlig  som  apposition  og 
praedikatsord. 

"  I  apposition  saettes  det  i  aim.  til  saetningens  subjekt.  Det 
har  da  i  regelen  betydning  af  en  tidssaetning,  nu  og  da  betegner 
det  dog  naermest  aarsagen  og  med  tilf0iet  sva  sem  kan 
det  ogsaa  repraesentere  en  (hypothetisk)  sammenligningssaet- 
ning.  Participiet  har  her  fuldstaendig  verbal  Karakter  og  for- 
bindes  ligesom  et  finit  verbum  med  objekt,  hensynsbetegnelse,  en 
fjernere  gjenstand  i  genitiv,  en  infinitiv  eller  en  objektssaetning. 
Hovedverbet  udtrykker  fordetmeste  udsagn,  bevaegelse  eller  an- 
komst."  He  gives  among  other  examples  these: — Gisl.  Pr. 
210.14 ;  hann  sendi  (5a  orS  Antonio  sva  segjandi  etc. ;  Str.  18.8 : 
skundaSi  heim  berandi  barnit;  Str.  69.10;  (>akka(5i  henni  mor- 
gum  f>okkum  Tcyssandi  hana  ok  halsfadmandi. 

In  his  recent  Norr0n  Syntax  (Kristiania,  1906),  Professor 
Nygaard  reaffirms  his  statement  as  to  the  original  genitive  regi- 


56  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

men  of  the  present  participle  in  old  Norse,  and  ascribes  to  Latin 
influence  the  acquisition  by  the  present  participle  of  the  power 
to  govern  an  accusative  object.  In  §  242  he  says:  "  Det  oprin- 
delige  forhold  med  hensyn  til  prses.  part,  synes  altsaa  at  have 
vaeret:  .  .  .  prses.  part,  er  i  det  vsesentlige  at  betragte  som 
adjektiver;  de  har  ingen  fremtrsedende  tidsbetydning  og  har 
nominal  styrelse  (genitiv). 

"  Saaledes  vedbliver  ogsaa  idethele  sprogbrugen  at  vsere  i 
F.  S.6 

"  I  L.  S.6  udvides  og  modificeres  brugen  ved  paavirkning  af 
fremmede  analogier,  navnlig  det  latinske  nutidsparticip  og 
passive  verbaladjektiv. 

"  Det  aktive  part,  dannes  her  ogsaa  af  transitive  verber  og 
faar  verbal  karakter  (med  tydelig  tidsbetydning  og  verbal  styr- 
else)." 

Moreover,  in  another  section  (233),  Professor  Nygaard  tells 
us  that,  in  the  popular  style,  as  a  rule,  the  appositive  present 
participle  of  the  transitive  verb  is  not  used,  but  instead  is  used 
a  subordinated  finite  verb  or  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb. 

A  more  complete  parallel  to  the  situation  with  reference  to 
the  governing  power  of  the  participle  in  Anglo-Saxon  could 
scarcely  have  been  drawn  by  Professor  Nygaard,  even  if  he  had 
had  open  before  him  my  treatise  on  The  Appositive  Participle 
in  Anglo-Saxon.  His  statements  are  the  more  remarkable  when 
we  learn  that  he  had  not  seen  that  monograph. 

In  his  Altisldndisches  Elementarbuch,  Heidelberg,  1913  (a 
revision  of  the  late  Bernhard  Kahle's  work  with  the  same  title), 
Professor  Andreas  Heusler  gives  a  treatment  of  the  Present 
Participle  in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  which,  though  brief 
and  couched  in  general  terms,  seems  to  favor  the  thesis  set  forth 
by  me  (§422):— 

"  Seine  Verwendung  in  der  volkstiimlichen  Prosa  ist  be- 
schrankt:  es  wird  fast  nur  von  intransitiven  Verba  gebildet; 
abgesehen  von  festen  Verbindungen  (wie  farande  honor  '  her- 

•F.    S.  =  Folkelig    Stil,    'popular    style';    L.   S.  =  Lserd   Stil,    'learned 
style.' 


The  Appositive  Participle  57 

umziehende  Weiber,'  dugande  maf>r  '  wackrer  Mann,'  sitiande 
hlutr  '  sitzender  Anteil  =  Zuschauerrolle ')  erscheint  es  meist 
nur  appositiv  in  Verbindungen  wie:  kom  par  ripande  Hialte 
'  kam  da  H.  geritten ' :  hon  gehh  pegiande  at  Flosa  '  sie  trat 
schweigend  zu  Flose.' 

"  Ein  Hauptkennzeichen  des  '  gelehrten  Stiles  '  sind  die  den 
Bericht  weiterfiihrenden  und  transitiven,  auch  die  pradikativen 
Partt.  wie:  frcendr  hans  homo,  eggiande  hann  at  fa  ser  eignar- 
spuso  '  seine  Verwandten  kamen,  ihn  antreibend,  sich  ein  Ehe- 
gespons  zu  nehmen  ' :  konungs  so7i  var  fyrstr  ok  fremstr  allra 
sinna  manna.  .  .  .  eige  fyrr  lettande,  en  hann  er  par  komande, 
sem  bardagenn  var,  pegar  svno  suerpe  bregpande  ok  huern  um 
annan  hQgguande  ok  suma  mep  spiote  leggiande  '  der  Konigs- 
sohn  war  der  erste  und  vorderste  aller  seiner  Mannen  .  .  .  nicht 
eber  ablassend,  als  bis  er  dabin  kommend  ist,  wo  die  Scblacbt 
war,  alsbald  sein  Scbwert  ziebend  und  einen  nacb  dem.  andern 
bauend  und  etlicbe  mit  dem  Spiese  durcbbobrend.'  " 

As  to  Old  Higb  German,  justification  for  tbe  statements 
made  by  me  in  1901  concerning  tbe  regimen  of  tbe  appositive 
present  participle  therein,  is  to  be  found  in  Dr.  Konrad  Meyer's 
Zur  Syntax  des  Participium  Praesentis  im  Althochdeutschen, 
a  Marburg  dissertation  published  in  1906.  On  page  21  Dr. 
Meyer  tells  us  that,  of  the  present  appositive  participles  in  their 
Latin  originals,  the  Monsee-Wiener  Fragmente  avoids  5/7 ; 
Isidor,  2/3  ;  and  even  Tatian,  1/5  ;  that,  when  the  present  appo- 
sitive participle  is  found  in  these  Old  High  German  texts,  it 
translates  almost  without  exception  a  Latin  appositive  parti- 
ciple 7 ;  and  that,  when  the  participle  of  the  Latin  original  is 
not  kept,  in  the  majority  of  instances  it  is  rendered  in  Old  High 
German  either  by  a  coordinated  finite  verb  (in  Monsee-Wiener 
Fragmente  and  in  Tatian  chiefly)  or  by  a  subordinated  finite 
verb  8  (in  Isidor  chiefly).  On  p.  40  he  states  that  the  appositive 
present  participle  is  relatively  rare  in  the  more  original  Otfrid, 

'  See  Meyer,  I.  c,  pp.  22,  25,  and  32. 
8  See  Meyer,  I.  c,  pp.  23,  26,  and  34. 


58  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

only  about  44  examples  occurring  in  the  whole  of  his  works. 
Of  these  44  examples  of  the  appositive  present  participle,  I  may 
add,  not  a  few  are  modal;  many  (about  33)  occur  after  verbs 
of  motion;  and  in  some9  of  these  33  examples,  the  participle 
seems  to  me  predicative  rather  than  appositive,  and  is  inde- 
pendently so  classed  by  Dr.  Karl  Rick  in  his  Das  Pradikative 
Participium  Praesentis  im  Althochdeutschen,  a  Bonn  disserta- 
tion of  1905.  In  a  word,  then,  there  are  even  fewer  appo- 
sitive present  participles  in  Otfrid  than  is  stated  by  Dr.  Meyer. 
But,  what  is  more  to  my  present  purpose,  Dr.  Meyer  segre- 
gates the  present  appositive  participles  having  an  accusative 
object  from  those  not  having  such  an  object,  and  gives  the  fol- 
lowing totals  therefor:10 — Isidor:  0  to  8 ;  Otfrid:  12  to  44; 
Monsee-Wiener  Fragments:  7  to  20;  and  Tatian:  131  to  466. 
Of  140  Latin  present  appositive  participles  rendered  by  a  pres- 
ent appositive  participle  by  Notker,  83  participles  have  an 
accusative  object  in  the  Old  High  German,  according  to  Meyer, 
pp.  51-54.  Meyer  tells  us,  too,  that,  in  about  212  instances, 
Notker  uses  an  appositive  present  participle  without  having 
had  a  participle  in  his  Latin  original,  but  unfortunately  he 
does  not  here  segregate  participles  having  an  object  from  those 
not  having  an  object,  though  he  does  say  that  in  the  majority 
of  these  212  instances  the  participle  has  the  adverbial  form  in 
-ndo;  many  of  these,  therefore,  probably  do  not 1Qa  have  an  object. 
In  Otfrid  the  present  appositive  participle  having  an  accusative 
object  is  less  frequent  than  indicated  by  Dr.  Meyer,  who,  as 
above  stated,  gives  twelve  examples,11  for  ten  of  these  twelve 

"For  example,  in  ii,  13.1  (fuar  druhtin  bredigonti)  and  in,  2.25  (unz  er 
fuar  ahtonti  thes  selben  wortes  nmhti ) ,  both  of  which  are  considered  predi- 
cative by  Dr.  Rick,  I.  c,  p.  30,  though  appositive  by  Dr.  Meyer. 

10  These  statistics  take  account  only  of  present  participles  modifying  the 
subject  nominative. 

10a  Since  writing  this  statement,  I  have  myself  looked  up  eighty  of  these 
examples,  taken  at  randon,  and  of  the  eighty  examples  only  fourteen 
have  an  accusative  object.  As  we  should  expect,  most  of  the  participles 
that  do  not  have  an  object  are  used  adverbially,  and  denote  manner. 

"The  twelve  examples  are  found  as  follows:  I,  4.20,  5.50b,  13.18,  23.10; 
III,  2.25,  8.13b,  10.13* ;  IV  30.1;   V,  4.15,  9.5,  9.7',  14.10. 


The  Appositive  Participle  59 

participles  are  considered  predicative  by  Dr.  Rick,  and  in  most 
instances  he  is  justified  in  his  classification,  I  think,  the  parti- 
ciples being  predicate  nominatives  after  intransitive  verbs  of 
motion  (faran  and  gang  an)  ;  though  in  one  of  these  ten  exam- 
ples (I,  4.20:  Ingiang  er  tho  skioro,  goldo  garo  ziaro,  mit  zin- 
seru  in  henti  thaz  hus  rouhenti)  the  participle  is  so  far  removed 
from  the  principal  verb  that  it  seems  appositive  to  me  rather 
than  predicative.  This  leaves  us  at  most  only  three  present 
appositive  participles  with  an  accusative  object  in  Otfrid  (I, 
4.20,  just  quoted:  I,  5.50b:  Noh  keisor  untar  manne,  nimo  geba 
hringe  fuazfallonti  int  inan  erenti;  and  I,  13.18:  Thiu  muater 
barg  mit  festi  thiu  uuort  in  iru  brusti,  in  herzen  mit  githahti 
thiz  ebono  ahtonti).  These  three  appositive  participles  may 
very  easily  have  been  suggested  by  any  one  of  the  numerous 
Latin  sources  12  that  have  been  suggested  for  Otfrid's  Evange- 
lienbuch.  To  me  the  wonder  is,  not  that  Otfrid  thrice  uses  the 
appositive  participle  with  an  accusative  object,  but  that  he  uses 
it  only  thrice. 

As  to  Tatian  and  iSTotker,  the  frequency  of  the  appositive 
present  participle  without  an  object  is  due,  I  think,  largely  to 
the  influence  of  their  Latin  originals,  but,  also,  in  the  case  of 
JSTotker,  partly  to  his  fondness  for  the  native  Germanic  idiom 
of  the  participle  to  denote  manner,  in  which  latter  case,  Notker 
more  commonly  uses,  Meyer  tells  us  (pp.  48-49),  the  adverbial 
form  of  the  present  participle  in  -ndo.  With  both  Tatian  and 
Notker,  the  frequency  of  the  appositive  present  participle  with 
an  accusative  object  is  due  almost  wholly  to  the  influence  of 
their  Latin  originals,  I  think.  For  the  frequency  of  the  appo- 
sitive present  participle  (whether  with  or  without  an  object) 
in  the  added  passages  of  Notker,  Dr.  Meyer,  I.  c,  p.  50,  offers 
another  explanation,  not,  however,  incompatible  with  my  own: 
"  Im  Gegensatz  zu  Is.,  Mons.,  Tat.  fiihrt  also  Notker  sehr  zahl- 
reiche  deutsche  Part.  Praes.  in  seinen  Text  ein,  denen  im  La- 
teinischen  kein   Part,   entspricht.      Das  wiirde   er  schwerlich 

u  For  a  summary  statement  concerning  these  sources,  see  A.  L.  Plumhoff's 
Beitrdge  zu  den  Quellen  Otfrids,  Kiel  Dis.,  1898. 


60  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

getan  haben,  wenn  er,  wie  jene  Uebersetzer,  deutsche  Satze  in 
ununterbrochener  Reihenfolge  aneinander  gefiigt  hatte,  ohne 
latein.  Satze  einzuschieben.  Vielmehr  sind  die  vielen  Parti- 
cipiea,  bedingt  durch  den  eigentiimlichen  abrupten  Charakter 
von  Notkers  Mischprosa,  die  sich  in  ihrem  Streben  nach  Prag- 
nanz  der  Sprechweise  dem  geniachlich  fortschreitenden  deutsch- 
en  Satzbau,  wie  er  in  zusammenhangender  Rede  herrscht,  nicht 
anzupassen  vermag."  See,  too,  Dr.  Paul  Hoffmann's  Die 
Mischprosa  N others  des  Deutschen  (=  Palaestra,  No.  lviii), 
Berlin,  1910;  and  Dr.  Hans  Naumann's  Notkers  Boethius: 
Untersuchungen  ueber  Quellen  und  Stil  (=  Quellen  und 
Forschungen  zur  Sprach-  und  Culturgeschichte  der  Germa- 
nisclien  V biker,  No.  cxxi),  Strassburg,  1913.  On  p.  79,  in  a 
passage  quoted  by  me  on  p.  24  above,  Professor  Naumann  calls 
attention  to  the  Latinized  style  of  Notker,  especially  in  the  use 
of  the  participle  and  the  infinitive.  I  have  made  little  use  of 
Dr.  Wilhelm  Gocking's  Das  Participium  bei  Notker,  a  Strass- 
burg dissertation  of  1905,  because  for  my  present  purpose  Not- 
ker's  use  of  the  participle  is  better  treated  by  Dr.  Meyer,  who, 
as  already  stated,  segregates  the  participles  having  an  object 
from  those  not  having  an  object.  Although  Dr.  Gocking  does 
not  do  this,  he  does  classify  his  participles  according  to  the  idea 
denoted  into  Temporal,  Causal,  etc.  A  combination  of  the  plan 
of  Dr.  Meyer  with  that  of  Dr.  Gocking  would  give  the  best 
results,  it  seems  to  me. 

As  in  the  case  of  Old  Norse,  so  in  Old  High  German  the  situ- 
ation with  reference  to  the  appositive  present  participle  with  an 
accusative  object  very  closely  parallels  that  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
Perhaps  I  should  add  that,  although  Dr.  Meyer  several  times 
speaks  of  the  Latin  influence  upon  Old  High  German  syntax, 
he  does  not  specifically  discuss  the  origin  of  the  appositive  use 
of  the  present  participle  (whether  with  or  without  an  object) 
in  Old  High  German;  that  apparently  neither  he  nor  Dr. 
Gocking  had  seen  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon; 
and  that,  while  gratefully  availing  myself,  in  the  present  study, 


The  Appositive  Participle  61 

of  the  statistics  given  by  these  two  scholars,  the  interpretation 
thereof  is  my  own. 

As  to  Middle  High  German,  valuable  testimony  is  given  by 
Dr.  Theodor  Matthias,  in  his  "  Zur  Geschichte  der  Deutschen 
Mittelwortfiigungen,"  an  article  that  appeared  in  the  Zeit- 
schrift  filr  den  Deutschen  Vnterricht  of  1897  (Vol.  xi,  pp.  681- 
708),  but  that  was  not  known  to  me  in  1900,  when  I  wrote  The 
Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon.  After  telling  us,  on  p. 
689,  that  the  appositive  preterite  participle  is  common  in  Mid- 
dle High  German,  Dr.  Matthias  declares,  on  p.  690,  that  the 
appositive  present  participle  is  rare,  especially  when  having  an 
object.  Says  he:  "  Viel  seltener  ist  im  Mhd.  dieser  Gebrauch 
des  1.  Mittelwortes,  und  unzweifelhaft  hat  fremdes,  nament- 
lich  lateinisches  Vorbild  darauf  gefuhrt.  .  .  .  Vor  allem  von 
der  Beschwerung  dieses  1.  Mittelwortes  mit  Erganzungen  und 
Umstanden  lasst  sich  deutlich  nachweisen,  wie  sie  aus  latei- 
nischen  Vorlagen  entsprang." 

II.    WITHOUT  AN  OBJECT 

The  Present  Appositive  Participle  without  an  Accusative 
Object  occurs  about  108  times  (168  including  the  "  Introduc- 
tions") in  the  Northumbrian  Gloss  to  115  times  in  the  West- 
Saxon  Gospels. 

The  following  examples  are  typical: — Mat.  28.18a:  geneo- 
lecende  Se  hselend  spreccend  wses  to  him  =  accedens  iesus  locu- 
tus  est  eis;  Mat.  I.  19.16a:  geongende  uel  geeade  ofer  sae  <5one 
peter  Sruncnende  ahefes  =  Ambulans  supra  mare  petrum  mer- 
gentem  leuat;  Mat.  20.30a:  heonu  tuoege  blindo  sittende  set  weg 
geherdon  =  ecce  duo  caeci  sedentes  secus  uiam  audierunt. 

The  statistics  in  full  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  not 
having  an  Accusative  Object  are  as  follows  (167  in  all,  59  in 
the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 


62  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

1.    In  the  Nominative,  Singular  or  Plural 

(88  in  all,  14  in  the  "  Introductions,"  including  the  examples  in 

Notes  1  and  2) 

The  Nominative  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  with- 
out an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  (in  the  singu- 
lar, all  genders,  and  in  the  plural,  masculine) ;  occasionally  in 
-nd  (in  the  singular,  masculine,  and  in  the  plural,  masculine)  ; 
rarely  in  -ndo  (in  the  plural,  masculine)  and  in  -ing  (in  the 
singular,  neuter  ( ?)).  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527,  532, 
534,  and  538.  When  no  ending  is  given  below,  -nde  is  to  be 
understood. 

adunestiga,  descend  (1):  Mk.  (1):  15.30. 

basniga,  expect  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  23.35a  (or  Predicative?). 

bodiga,  preach  (1):L.  (1)  9.6a. 

cerra,  turn  (1) :  L.  (1) :  8.37. 

cliop(p)iga,  cry  out,  exclaim  (2)  :  Mk.  (2) :  5.7;  15.39. 

cuma  (cyma),  come  (3):  Mat.  (1):  20.10  (cymende). — 
Mk.  (2) :  7.1  (cymende)  ;  16.1  (cymmende) . 

CUnniga,  tempt  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  16.1  (-ndo). 

cuaciga,  tremble  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  8.47. 

cyma:  see  cuma. 

doa,  do,  act  (1) :  L.  (1) :  16.8  (-nd). 

ebolsiga,  blaspheme  (2) :  Mk.  (1)  :  15.29b.— L.  (1) :  22.65. 

efsta,  hasten  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.16. 

falla,  fall  (1):L.  (1):4.7. 

fara,  go,  pass  by  (7):  Mk.  (4):  1.16*  35  (-nd)  ;  13.1; 
16.20a.— L.  (3) :  I.  4.1b;  1.6  (-ndo)  ;  4.30. 

foera,  depart  (1)  :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  3.7a. 

fore(h)luta,  bend  down,  stoop  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  1.7b. 

foreliora,  pass  by  (1):  Mat.  (1):  27.39a  (foreliornende 
(sic)  in  Skeat  and  in  Cook;  but  is  a  scribal  or  typographical 
error  for  foreliorende,  the  form  given  in  the  Rushworth  text  ? 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  527,  has  foreliornende  without  comment). 

fulwiga,  baptize  (1) :  J.  (1) :  1.31a. 

gebidda,  pray  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  21.36a. 


The  Appositive  Participle  63 

geecniga,  conceive  (1) :  L.  (1) :  1.31. 

gefeaga,  rejoice  (3) :  L.  (3)  :  15.5;  19.6,  37a. 

gehera,  ftear  (1)  :  ilfa*.  (1)  :  27.47b. 

geneoleca,  approach  (1)  :  Ifai.  (1) :  28.18a. 

geonga,  gro,  walk  (7) :  Ma*.  (3) :  I.  19.16a;  26.49 ;  27.5b.— 
Mk.  (2) :  6.48b;  I4.39a— L.  (1) :  24.17.— J".  (1)  :  I.  4.16. 

gesea,  see  (2)  :  Mat  (2) :  13.13,  14. 

habba,    have  (1):  L.  (1):  7.2  (-nd). 

hera,  hear  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  4.12  (-nd). 

hlifiga:  see  lifiga. 

hrema,  weep  (2) :  Ma*.  (1) :  2.18b.— /.  (i) .  20.11. 

hwispriga,  murmur  (1) :  J.  (1)  :  I.  4.20. 

ingeonga,  enter  (1) :  L.  (1) :  8.16. 

iorna,  run  (2)  :  Mat.  (2)  :  27.48a;  28.8a. 

lsera,  teach  (3):  ».  (1):  12.35  (-nd).-L.  (2):  5.17a; 
13.22. 

lecniga,  cure,  heal  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  9.6b. 

lifiga  (hlifiga),  live  (1) :  Ma£.  (1) :  27.63. 

lixiga,  shine  (1)  :  J".  (1)  :  5.35b. 

msena,  mourn  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.48. 

ofcliop(p)iga,  en/  <m£,  exclaim  (1) :  Mfc.  (1)  :  1.26b. 

ondswariga,  answer,  respond  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  13.25d. 

scimiga,  shine,  coruscate  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  17.24. 

seofiga,  lament  (1) :  ilffc.  10.22. 

Sitta,  s#  (4):  Mat.  (1):  20.30a— M.  (1):  I.  4.16.— L. 
(1):  14.28a.— J.  (1):  12.15. 

slepa,  steep  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  L.  18Ah.—L.  (1) :  I.  5.18. 

spatiga,  spit  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  27.30. 

spreca,  speak  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  8.7  (-nd). 

Stiga,  descend  (1) :  J".  (1)  :  6.50. 

stonda,  sfond  (5) :  Mai.  (2)  :  6.5a;  27.47*.—/.  (3) :  11.56 ; 
18.18,  25. 

tela,  mock  (l):Mk.(l):  15.31. 

Serhwsec(c)a,  watch  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  5.5. 

woepa,  weep  (1)  :  Mai.  (1)  :  2.18a 

Wliniga,  remain  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  14.25. 


64  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


NOTES 


1.  Participles  Wavering  between  the  Appositive  and  the 
Predicative  Uses  are  found  in  the  following  after  the  verb  cuma, 
1  come  '  (7)  : 

drinca,  drink  (2)  :  Mat.  (2) :  11.18b,  19b  (dringende). 
eatta,  eat  (2) :  Mat.  (2) :  11.18*,  19a. 
geonga,  walk  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  14.25.— Mh  (1) :  I.  3.14. 
Sitta,  sit  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  21.5. 

2.  An  Appositive  Present  Participle  in  -Ing  is  found  in  L. 
8.8a:  o(5er  feoll  on  eor(5o  god  &  uphebbing  dyde  waestm  huntean- 
tig  siSa  monigfald  =  aliud  cecidit  in  terram  bonam  et  ortum 
fecit  fructum  centumplum  (Rushw. :  lacking;  W.  S. :  &  worhte 
hundfealdne  waestm).  Professor  Cook  classifies  uphebbing  as  a 
noun  in  the  nominative,  singular,  neuter.  Dr.  Carpenter,  also, 
I.  c,  §  335,  considers  uphebbing  a  noun  in  the  nominative 
singular,  but  does  not  assign  it  gender.  Professor  Lindelof,  in 
his  "  Beitrage  zur  Kenntnis  des  Altnorthumbrischen,"  p.  260, 
holds  that  uphebbing  is  a  noun  in  the  accusative  singular,  but 
says  nothing  as  to  its  gender.  In  the  only  other  passage  in 
which  uphebbing  is  found  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  (L.  I. 
10.11),  it  is  a  noun;  and  it  is  possible,  of  course,  that  in  L. 
8.8a  the  glossator  thoughtlessly  mistook  ortum  for  the  noun 
instead  of  the  participle,  and  intended  uphebbing  to  be  con- 
sidered a  noun.  But,  as  the  interpretation  of  uphebbing  as  a 
noun  gives  no  sense  in  the  present  passage,  whereas  the  inter- 
pretation thereof  as  a  participle  makes  perfect  sense,  it  seems 
better  to  me  to  consider  uphebbing  a  participle  here  (in  the 
nominative,  singular,  neuter),  one  of  the  earliest  examples  of 
the  present  participle  ending  in  -ing.     Compare  Note  3  below. 

3.  A  Verbal  Noun  in  -Ung  (-Ing),  or  the  Gerund,  Govern- 
ing an  Accusative  Object  is  found  in  the  Rush  worth  Tviihe 
23.48 :  &  al  (5e  here  hiora  (5a(5e  aetsceowunga  togedre  comun  to 
sceawunga  (5aet  &  gisegun  SaSe  aworden  werun  slaende  on  breost 
hiora  eftcerdun  =  Et  omnis  turba'  eorum  qui  simul  aderant 
ad  specta(cu)lum  istud  et  uidebant  quae  fiebant  percutientes 
pectora  sua  reuertebantur  (Lindisfarne:  &  all  foet  here  Sara 


The  Appositive  Participle  65 

SaSe  adgeaedre  tocuomon  uel  toweron  to  sceawanne  (5set  &  gese- 
gon  (5aSe  woeron  aworden  slaegendo  woeron  hiora  breosto  eft- 
cerrdon ;  W.  S. :  &  eall  wered  (5e  cet  Sisse  wcefersynne  wseron  & 
gesawon  (5a  Sing  (5e  gewurdon  waeron  agen  gewende  hyra  breost 
beoton) .  It  is  barely  possible  that  sceawunga  is  accusative  neuter 
here,  and  that  Beet  is  its  modifier  instead  of  its  object;  but  Pro- 
fessor Lindelof,  I.  c,  p.  265,  takes  sceawunga,  to  be  in  the  dative 
singular  feminine,  and  declares  that,  in  the  Rushworth  Gospels, 
only  two  examples  (in  Mk.  5.38  and  L.  13.6)  of  nouns  in  -ung 
having  an  accusative  in  -a  are  found,  and  in  these  two  instances 
the  nouns  are  preceded  by  the  feminine  article,  da.  On  the  other 
hand,  on  p.  242,  he  tells  us  that  once  in  the  Rushworth  Gospels 
(L.  20.47:  dcet  mara  uel  mast  cursunge)  a  noun  in  -ung  is  of 
the  neuter  gender.  Neither  uphebbing  nor  sceawunga  is  re- 
ferred to  by  Professor  G.  O.  Curme,  by  Professor  Eugen  Einen- 
kel,  or  by  Mr.  C.  T.  Onions  in  their  recent  articles  13  dealing 
with  the  origin  of  the  English  Gerund.  As  an  example  of  the 
gerund  governing  an  accusative  object  in  the  Lindisfame  Gos- 
pels Professor  Curme  14  cites  Luke  7.45 :  ne  blann  cossetunges 
foeta  mine  =  non  cessauit  osculari  pedes  meos  (Rushw. :  lack- 
ing ;  W.  S. :  ne  geswac  Saet  heo  mine  f et  ne  cyste) .  But,  with 
Professor  Einenkel,15  I  consider  foeta  a  genitive,  not  an  accusa- 

13  The  articles  by  Professor  Curme  are  "  History  of  the  English  Gerund," 
in  Englische  Studien,  Vol.  xlv,  1912,  pp.  349-380;  "The  Gerund  in  Old 
English  and  German,"  in  Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvin,  1914,  pp.  491-498;  and  "The 
English  Gerund  Again,"  in  Englische  Studien,  Vol.  xlix,  1916,  p.  323; — 
by  Professor  Einenkel:  "  Zur  Geschichte  des  Englischen  Gerundiums,"  in 
Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvn,  1913,  pp.  382-392;  "Die  Entwickelung  des  Englischen 
Gerundiums,"  in  Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvni,  1914,  pp.  1-76;  "  Nachtriige  zum 
Gerundium,"  in  Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvin,  1914,  p.  212;  and  "  Zur  Herkunft  des 
Englischen  Gerundiums,"  in  Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvin,  1914,  pp.  499-504; — by 
Mr.  Onions:  "The  History  of  the  English  Gerund,"  in  Englische  Studien, 
Vol.  XLVin,  1914,  pp.  169-171. — Professor  Einenkel  has  given  a  concise  but 
comprehensive  treatment  of  the  English  Gerund  in  his  recent  Historische 
Syntax,  3rd  ed.,  Strassburg,  1916,  pp.  6-14.  Another  recent  discussion  of 
the  Gerund  is  given  by  Dr.  H.  Willert,  in  his  "  Vom  Substantivischen 
Infinitiv,"  in  Englische  Studien,  xlvtii,  1914-1915,  pp.  246-250. 

"  In  Englische  Studien,  Vol.  xlv,  1912,  p.  352. 

"  In  Anglia,  Vol.  xxxvn,  1913,  p.  386. 


66  The  Syntax  of  the  IAndisfame  Gospels 

tive.  In  his  "  The  Gerund  in  Old  English  and  German,"  p. 
496,  Professor  Curme  declares,  "  In  looking  over  the  preceding 
pages  it  ought  to  become  clear  that  there  was  a  lively  feeling 
for  the  gerund  in  Old  English.  The  characteristic  forms  are 
already  firmly  establisht.  Middle  English  gradually  brought 
about  a  change  in  the  word-order  and  modern  English  is  differ- 
entiating more  closely  the  use  of  the  genitive  and  accusative. 
We  see  in  the  entire  history  of  the  English  Gerund  only  the 
natural  display  of  pure  English  forces  and  cannot  discover  any 
foreign  forces  that  have  permanently  affected  English  at  this 
point."  To  this  denial  of  any  foreign  influence  upon  the  Eng- 
lish gerund,  Professor  Einenkel  rightly  replies,  in  his  "  Zur 
Herkunft  des  Englischen  Gerundiums,"  p.  499  :  "  Dass  in  inter- 
lineariibersetzungen  und  iibertragungen  ahnlicher  art  gerundien 
vorkommen,  ist  bekannt;  ich  habe  selbst  deren  mehrere  nach- 
gewiesen.  Es  ist  aber  deutlich  erkennbar,  dass  sie  samtlich 
ganz  sklavische  und  mechanische  nachbildungen  von  latein- 
ischen  gerundien  sind  und  ebensowenig  beweisen  konnen,  dass 
sie  zu  dem  eigentlichen  korper  ihrer  sprache  gehoren,  wie  die 
genau  entsprechenden  nachbildungen  lateinischer  gerundien  in 
althochdeutschen  schriften  ahnlicher  art."  The  correctness  of 
this  view  as  to  the  gerund  in  Old  English  seems  to  me  evidenced 
by  three  facts:  (1)  that  very  few  gerunds  with  true  verbal 
power  (i.  e.,  of  gerunds  governing  an  accusative  object)  have  as 
yet  been  pointed  out  in  Old  English  literature;  (2)  that,  in 
every  one  of  the  instances  so  far  cited,  the  idiom  occurs  only  in 
translations  from  the  Latin,  and  that  in  almost  every  one  the 
influence  of  the  Latin  (usually  a  gerund,  occasionally  an  infini- 
tive or  a  prepositional  phrase)  is  at  once  evident;  and  (3)  that, 
as  the  present  appositive  participle  in  Old  English  did  not 
originally  have  the  power  to  govern  an  accusative  object,  but 
gradually  borrowed  it  from  the  Latin,  it  is  but  natural  to  sup- 
pose that  the  noun  in  -ing  (-ung),  which  had,  and,  indeed,  still 
has,  less  of  verbal  power  than  the  present  participle,  originally 
had  not  the  power  of  governing  an  accusative  object,  and  that, 
in  Old  English,  it,  likewise,  acquired  this  power  from  the  Latin. 


The  Appositive  Participle  67 

The  first  two  points  have,  of  course,  been  strongly  urged  by  Pro- 
fessor Einenkel.  The  third  point,  I  think,  has  not  been  made 
hitherto ;  and  will  appear  all  the  stronger,  I  believe,  when  it  is 
recalled  that,  most  probably,  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a 
whole,  the  present  appositive  participle  originally  had  not  the 
power  of  governing  an  accusative  object,  but  likewise  borrowed 
this  power  from  the  classical  languages,  usually  the  Latin.  But, 
again  with  Professor  Einenkel,  I  do  not  think  that  the  gerund 
with  accusative  regimen  ever  became  naturalized  in  Old  Eng- 
lish, certainly  not  nearly  to  the  extent  that  the  prseent  apposi- 
tive participle  with  accusative  regimen  did. — See  Note  4  to 
Section  n  of  Chapter  III,  also  Note  4  of  Section  xiii  of  that 
chapter. 

2.     In  the  Genitive,  Singular  or  Plural 
(10  in  all,  4  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Genitive  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  without 
an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -ndes  in  the  singular 
(masculine  and  neuter)  and  in  -ndra  in  the  plural  (masculine)  ; 
occasionally  in  -nde  (in  the  singular,  masculine)  ;  rarely  in  -ndo 
(in  the  singular,  masculine).  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527, 
536,  and  541. 

ceiga,  call  (1) :  Mh.  (1)  :  I.  1.4a  (-ndes). 

cliop(p)iga,  cry  out,  exclaim  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  18.7  (-ndra). 

fara,  go  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  9.53  (-ndes). 

foeda,  feed  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  8.32*  (-ndra). 

hlioniga  (linga),  recline  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  26.7b  (lingendes). 

iorna,  run  (1) :  L.  (1) :  22.44  (-ndes). 

linga:  see  hlioniga. 

rariga,  roar  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  7.12  (-nde;  Cook:  gsm.). 

tocuma  (tocyma),  come  (2):  Mh.  (1):  I.  1.8a  (-nde; 
Cook:  gsm.;  Carpenter,  I.e.,  §536:  gsm.). — L.  (1):  I.  2.9 
(-ndo;  Cook:  npm.  Possibly  the  glossator  mistook  uenturi, 
which  is  here  in  the  genitive,  singular,  masculine,  for  the 
nominative,  plural,  masculine.  Carpenter  does  not  cite  this 
example). 


68  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

3.     In  the  Dative-Instrumental,  Singular  or  Plural 
(36  in  all,  23  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  the  Appositive  Present  Parti- 
ciple without  an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  in 
the  singular  (all  genders)  and  in  -ndum  in  the  plural  (mascu- 
line) ;  rarely  in  -nd  (in  the  singular,  masculine)  and  in  -nde 
(in  the  plural,  masculine).  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527, 
532,  and  542.  When  no  ending  is  given  below,  -ndum  is  to  be 
understood.  , 

bidda,  pray  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  20.20b  {-nde;  Cook:  dsf.; 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  537:  dsf.). 

CUnniga,  tempt  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  5.2. 

dwoela,  wander  (1):  Mat.  I.  20.12  (-nde). 

eatta,  eat  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  26.21. 

eftcerra,  return  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  6.15. 

eftfara,  return  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  7.6b  (-nde). 

fara,  go  (2)  :  Mh.  (1) :  16.12b  (-nde).-L.  (1)  :  I.  5.11b. 

foeda,  feed  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  9.7  (-nde). 

frasiga,  enquire  (2)  :  /.  (2)  :  I.  3.4;  I.  Q.Q. 

fulwiga,  baptize  (1):  J.  (1):  I.  4.1a  (-nde). 

fylga,  follow  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  6.13a  (-nde). 

gefeaga,  rejoice  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  6.16. 

gelefa,  believe  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  9.42. 

geonga,  go  (2) :  Mh.  (1) :  16.12a.— L.  (1) :  I.  11.10. 

habba,  have  (1):L.  (1)  :  19.25  (-nde). 

(h)eriga,  plow  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  9.6b  (-nde). 

hliniga:  see  hlioniga. 

hlioniga  (hliniga),  recline  (1):  Mk.  (1):  16.14. 

hraewiga,  repent  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  9.4b  (-nde). 

maena,  mourn  (1) :  .¥fc.  (1)  :  16.10a. 

ondspurniga  (-spyrniga),  offend  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  9.4a 
(  ondspyrnende  ) . 

ondspyrniga:  see  ondspurniga. 

Sitta,  sit  (3)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  11.16a— L.  (2)  :  I.  5.12;  7.32a. 

soeca,  seek  (3) :  1/ai.  (1)  :  I.  20. 8a—  L.  (1)  :  I.  4.5a  (-nde, 
or  gsf.  ?).—/.  (1):I.  7.15. 


The  Appositive  Participle  69 

somniga,  congregate  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  13.47b  (-nde). 

spreca,  speak  (1) :  L.  (1) :  7.32b. 

Stonda,  stand  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  24.15  (-nde). 

Sreatiga,  rebuke  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  10.3. 

wita  (wuta),  know  (1) :  /.  (1) :  I.  2.5a  (-nd). 

WOepa  (wopa),  weep  (1):  Mk.  (1):  16.10b. 

WorSiga,  Ttonor,  adore  (1)  :  lia£.  (1) :  I.  22.10. 

4.     In  the  Accusative,  Singular  or  Plural 
(33  in  all,  17  in  the  "Introductions") 

The  Accusative  of  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  without 
an  Accusative  Object  ends  normally  in  -nde  (in  the  singular, 
all  genders,  and  in  the  plural,  masculine)  ;  rarely  in  -nda  (in 
the  singular  and  the  plural,  each  masculine),  in  -ndo  (in  the 
plural,  masculine),  and  in  -nd  (in  the  singular,  masculine). 
Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  527,  532,  535,  and  538.  When 
no  ending  is  given  below,  -nde  is  to  be  understood.  The  vowel 
preceding  these  endings  is  usually  e,  but  is  occasionally  a. 

bera,  bear,  conceive  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  2.5b. 

bigeonga,  pass  by  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  15.21a. 

bloedsiga,  bless  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  20.16b. 

brenga,  bring  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  20.16a. 

cuma  (cymma),  come  (4):  Mat.  (1):  3.16b.— Mk.  (1): 
15.21b.— L.  (1)  :  23.26a  — J.  (1) :  1.9. 

cymma:  see  cuma. 

eatta,  eat  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  3.15. 

eftdraga,  pull  back,  kick  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  3.6  (-end). 

embehtiga,  minister  (1)  :  J.  (1) :  I.  6.16a. 

eriga,  plow  (1) :  L.  (1) :  17.7a. 

etta:  see  eatta. 

faema,  foam  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  9.20. 

flowa,  flow  (1) :  L.  (1) :  6.38b. 

foeda,  feed  (1):  L.  (1):  17.7. 

frohtiga,  frighten,  become  afraid  (1) :  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  2.10a. 

fulwiga,  baptize  (1) :  /.  (1) :  I.  3.7. 

gefeaga,  rejoice  (1)  :  J.  (1) :  I.  5.11. 


70  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

gefraigna,  enquire  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  18.4a  (-nda). 

hongiga,  hang  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  11.8a. 

laera,  teach  (1) :  Mat  (1) :  21.33a. 

licga,  lie,  recline  (1)  :  Mat  (1) :  9.2  (liccende). 

mishabba,  to  be  unwell  (1)  :  Mat  (1)  :  8.16. 

ondeta,  .confess  (3):  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  2.10b  (-nda).—L.  (2): 
1.4.15;  I.  11.8b. 

smeaga,  think  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  7.10b. 

SOeca,  seek  (1) :  Ifk.  (1)  :  I.  4.10  (-nda;  Cook:  apm.). 

styriga,  stir,  move  (1)  :  Ma£.  (1) :  11. 7C. 

Sruncniga  (druncniga),  sink  (1) :  Ma^.  (1)  :  I.  19.16b. 

unsceortiga,  not  to  be  deficient  (1) :  L.  (1) :  12.33. 

unwitta,  6e  ignorant,  not  to  know  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  7.19a 
(Cook:  nsm.,  but  surely  this  must  be  a  misprint  ?  Dr.  Carpen- 
ter, however,  I.  c,  §  534,  seems  to  consider  unwittende  nomina- 
tive, singular,  masculine,  also). 

WOepa,  weep  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  5.6b  (-ndo;  Cook:  apm.). 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

Whatever  its  case,  the  Appositive  Present  Participle  without 
an  Accusative  Object  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  is  usually 16  due 
to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  original.  (1)  In  all  except  seven 
instances,  the  Northumbrian  present  appositive  participle  with- 
out an  object  corresponds  to  the  same  idiom  in  Latin.  The 
Latin  correspondents  in  the  seven  exceptional  cases  are  an  appo- 
sitive adjective  (Mat.  I.  20.12),  1;  a  gerundive  (Mat.  I. 
20.16b;  L.  I.  10.3),  2;  a  subjunctive  (Mk.  13.1;  L.  16.8),  2; 
a  noun  (Mk.  I.  1.4a),  1 ;  and  a  finite  verb  that  is  in  proximity 
to  an  appositive  participle  (L.  8.37),  1.  Again,  (2)  in  the 
majority  of  instances  (in  454  out  of  615  examples,  or  in  the 
ratio  of  about  1.34  to  1  for  the  Lmdisfarne  Gospels  as  a  whole), 
the  Latin  appositive  present  participle  without  an  object  is 
rendered  otherwise  than  by  an  appositive  participle,  usually 

16  The  exceptional  instances  in  which  the  appositive  use  of  the  present 
participle  may  be  a  native  English  idiom  are  indicated  in  the  section  (D) 
dealing  with  "  The  Origin  of  the  Appositive  Participle  as  a  whole." 


The  Appositive  Participle  71 

by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  (about  406  times),  occasionally 
by  a  subordinated  finite  verb  (45  times),  or  in  the  ratio  of 
9  to  l.17  Again  the  Northumbrian  gloss  is  slightly  more  influ- 
enced by  the  Latin  than  was  the  West-Saxon  translation,  in 
which  latter  only  108  examples  of  the  present  appositive  par- 
ticiple without  an  object  are  found;  but  again  the  Northum- 
brian gloss  remains  true  to  the  native  English  idiom  of  finite 
verb  instead  of  participle.  (3)  In  all  but  a  few  of  its  uses, 
the  appositive  present  participle  without  an  object  in  West- 
Saxon  and  probably  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole  was 
borrowed  from  the  Latin.  See  The  Appositive  Participle  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  297-307  and  339-341. 

B.     The  Preterite  Participle 
(92  in  all,  42  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

I.      WITH  AN  OBJECT 

(3  in  all,  1  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

Of  the  Preterite  Appositive  Participle  with  an  Accusative 
Object,  I  have  found  but  three  examples  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels,  as  follows: — 

(ge)trymma,  give  (1) :  J.  (1) :  4.39:  fore  word  Saes  uifes 
cydnise  getrymmedes  =  propter  uerbum  mulieris  testimonium 
perhibentis.  [Cook:  getrymmedes,  pp.,  gs. — I  think,  however, 
that  getrymmedes  is  probably  a  scribal  error  for  getrymmendes. 
Carpenter,  1.  c,  §  553:  getrymmedes,  gsm.] 

(ge)waecca,  awake,  arouse  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  18.10a:  Sa?t 
wif  of  herning  blodes  haeleS  geweht  &  <5aet  mwden  =  mulierem 
a  profluuis  sanguinis  sanat  suscitans  et  puellam. 

offylga,  follow  (1):  L.  (1):  1.3:  gesegen  waes  sec  me 
offylgde  from  fruma  alle  georne  =  uisum  est  et  mihi  assecuto  a 
principio  omnia  diligenter.  [Rushworth:  gisegen  waes  &  me 
offyligde  from  fruma  alra  georne ;  W.  S.,  Professor  Bright's 

17  Of  the  remaining  three  examples  in  the  Latin,  the  appositive  present 
participle  is  rendered  once  each  by  an  adjective  and  by  a  noun  in  an  oblique 
case;  and  is  omitted  once. 


72  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

1906  text:  me  geSuhte,  geornlice  eallum  [fram  fruman  ge- 
fylgdum]  on  endebyrdnesse  writan  Se.  Skeat's  text  omits  the 
bracketed  words,  and  has  od  instead  of  on. — Professor  Cook 
considers  offylgde  an  indicative  preterite,  3rd  sg.,  which  is  a 
possible  interpretation,  but  it  seems  to  me  that  more  probably 
offylgde  is  a  dative-instrumental  of  the  past  participle,  and  is 
active  in  sense  here  owing  to  the  fact  that  it  translates  a  Latin 
deponent  verb.  Carpenter  does  not  cite  offylgde  as  a  par- 
ticiple.] 

OKIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

Clearly  in  each  of  the  three  examples  the  fact  that  the 
Northumbrian  passive  participle  governs  an  accusative  object, 
is  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  original.  In  the  whole  of 
West-Saxon  only  one  example  was  found  of  this  idiom,  and  it 
likewise  was  due  to  Latin  influence.  See  The  Appositive  Par- 
ticiple in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  314. 

II.      WITHOUT   AN    OBJECT 

(89  in  all,  41  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

Of  the  Preterite  Participle  without  an  Accusative  Object, 
48  examples  (89  including  the  "  Introductions  ")  occur  in  the 
Lindisfame  Gospels  to  42  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels. 

The  following  will  serve  as  illustrations: — Mat.  21.29  :  sefter 
Son  uutedlice  mi(5  hreawnisse  gecerred  geeade  =  postea  autem 
paenitentia  motus  abiit;  Mat.  7.6:  gewoende  uel  gecerdo  to- 
slitas  iuh  =  conuersi  disrumpant  uos;  Mk.  16.8:  so(5  (5a  ilco 
<5ona  foerdo  flugon  =  At  illae  exeuntes  fugerunt  de  monumento. 

The  statistics  in  full  of  the  Preterite  Appositive  Participle 
without  an  Accusative  Object  are  as  follows  (89  in  all,  41  in 
the  "  Introductions  ") : — 

1.     In  the  Nominative,  Singular  or  Plural 
(35  in  all,  16  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Nominative  of  the  Appositive  Preterite  Participle  with- 
out an  Object  ends  normally  in  -ed  {-ad)  (once  in  -et)  or  -en  in 


The  Appositive  Participle  73 

the  singular  (all  genders)  and  in  -de  in  the  plural  (masculine)  ; 
occasionally  in  -do  (in  the  singular,  feminine(  ?),  and  in  the 
plural,  masculine),  in  -no  (in  the  singular,  masculine,  and  in 
the  plural,  masculine),  in  -d  (in  the  plural,  masculine  and 
neuter(?)),  and  in  -t  (in  the  singular,  masculine).  Compare 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  544,  549,  550,  551,  553,  and  554.  When  no 
ending  is  given  below,  -ed  (-d,  -t)  or  -en  is  to  be  understood 
according  to  whether  the  verb  is  weak  or  strong. 

asenda,  send  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  26.47  (-de). 

beswica,  deceive  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  2.11  (-no). 

efnegesetta,  constitute,  place  (2):  L.  (1):  7.8  (efnege- 
settet). — J.  (1) :  5.13  (-do;  Cook:  nsf . ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  553: 
nsf.). 

foera,  go  (1) :  Mh.  (1) :  16.8  (-do). 

foregelaera,  instruct  in  advance  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  14.8. 

(ge)bera,  bear  (2) :  Mat.  (2)  :  I.  6.10;  I.  14.11b. 

(ge)binda,  bind  (1) :  J.  (1)  :  11.44a  (-no). 

(ge)bloedsiga,  bless  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  25.34  (-ad). 

(ge)bringa,  bring,  lift  up  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  I.  5.1  la. 

(ge)cerra,  turn  (4):  Mat.  (2):  I.  2.5;  21.29.— Mh  (1) : 
I.  1.2b.— L.  (1):  7.13. 

(ge)cunniga,  tempt  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  21.12. 

(ge)endiga,  saturate  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  7.4b  (=  saturatus) . 

(ge)gearwiga,  clothe,  gird  (1)  :  Mh.  (1)  :  14.51  (-ad). 

(ge)fylla,  complete  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  19.2. 

(ge)laera,  teach  (2) :  Mat.  (2) :  I.  1.6;  I.  8.13. 

(ge)nemna,  »e  (1) :  J.  (1):  3.1. 

(ge)sceoga,  shoe  (1)  :  Mh.  (1) :  6.9  (gescoed;  Cook:  apm., 
but  is  it  not  nominative  ?  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  554,  does  not  differ- 
entiate between  nominative  and  accusative  here). 

(ge)  sella,  give  up,  hand  down  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  10.14c  (npm.  ? 
Cook:  pp.). 

(ge)setta,  place  (1):  Mat.  (1) :  5.14b. 

(ge)sigefaestniga,  crown  (1):  J.  (1) :  I.  8.12  (-ad;  or  Pre- 
dicative?). 

(ge)unrotsiga,  sadden  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  26.22a  (-de). 


74  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

gewoefa,  weave  (1) :  J.  (1) :  19.23. 
gewoenda,  turn  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  7.6  (-de). 
(ge)worSa,  become,  be  made  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  14.11a. 
(ge)wroega,  accuse  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  27.12. 
Oferlseda,  translate  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  2.15a. 
todaela,  dwwZe  (2) :  Mat.  (1) :  12.25.— L.  (1) :  11.17. 
Serhwrita,  write,  inscribe  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  4.2. 

2.     /ti  //ie  Genitive,  Singular  or  Plural 
(7  in  all,  6  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Genitive  of  the  Appositive  Preterite  Participle  without 
an  Accusative  Object  ends  occasionally,  in  the  singular,  in  -des 
(masculine),  in  -ed  (masculine  and  feminine),  in  -en  (mascu- 
line), in  -na  (masculine ( ?)),  and  in  -ne  (masculine).  The 
plural  is  not  recorded  in  this  use.  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§§  549  and  553. 

begeatta  (bi-),  find  (2):  Mat.  (1):  I.  19.12a  (-na;  Cook: 
gsf. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549,  Anmk. :  "  In  Mt.  Pr.  19.12  (mere- 
grotta)  bigetna  (—  margaritce  repertce)  lasst  sich  die  schwache 
endung  der  postposition  oder  der  attraktion  von  -a  in  mere- 
grotta  zuschreiben  ").  As  bigetna  modifies  meregrotta,  and  as 
Professor  Cook  gives  only  the  masculine  gender  for  the  latter, 
I  consider  that  the  participle,  also,  is  masculine. — L.  (1) :  I. 
8.16  (-ne;  Cook:  pp. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549 :  gsf.). 

bigeatta:  see  begeatta. 

foretreda,  destroy  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  8.3a  (-en;  Cook:  pp.; 
Carpenter:  not  cited). 

(ge)breda,  broil  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  24.42  (-des). 

(ge)cenna,  beget  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  15.1  (-ed;  Cook:  pp.; 
Carpenter:  not  cited). 

gefylla,  complete  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  2.15  (-ed;  Cook:  not 
cited). 

gesla,  slay  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  19.14a  (-en;  Cook:  pp.;  Car- 
penter: not  cited). 


The  Appositive  Participle  75 

3.     In  the  Dative-Instrumental,  Singular  or  Plural 
(8  in  all,  3  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

The  Dative-Instrumental  of  the  Appositive  Preterite  Par- 
ticiple without  an  Accusative  Object  ends  occasionally,  in  the 
singular,  in  -de  (feminine  and  neuter),  in  -ed  (masculine  and 
feminine),  and  in  -en  (masculine  and  feminine-neuter  (heawun 
for  heawen))  ;  in  the  plural  in  -dum  (feminine-neuter).  Com- 
pare Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  549,  552,  553,  and  556. 

aheawa,  cut  off  (1) :  L.  (1) :  23.53  (aheaiwun;  Cook:  pp.; 
Carpenter:  not  cited). 

forcuma,  overcome  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  7.6a  (forcummen;  Cook: 
not  cited;  Carpenter:  not  cited). 

(ge)timbra,  build  (1):L.  (1) :  I.  5.9  {getimberde) .  [Cook 
makes  getimberde  ind.  pret,  3rd  sg.,  but  is  it  not  a  past  par- 
ticiple in  the  dative-instrumental  ?  Carpenter  does  not  cite 
getimberde  as  a  participle.] 

(ge)woeddiga,  espouse  (1) :  L.  (1) :  1.27  {-ed;  Cook:  pp.; 
Carpenter:  not  cited). 

Oferhiwiga,  transfigure  (1)  :  Mat.  (1):  23.27  (-dum). 

oferswiSa,  overcome  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  16.8a  (oferswided; 
Cook:  pp.;  Carpenter:  not  cited). 

senda,  send  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  13.47a  (sende;  Cook:  form  not 
entered  as  pp. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  553 :  dsf.). 

togedegla,  hide  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  13.44  (-de;  Cook:  pp.,  dsn. ; 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  553:  dsn.). 

4.     In  the  Accusative,  Singular  or  Plural 
(39  in  all,  16  in  the  "  Introductions") 

The  Accusative  of  the  Appositive  Preterite  Participle  with- 
out an  Accusative  Object  ends,  in  the  singular,  occasionally  in 
-ed  (-ad,  once  each  -od  and  -ed)  (masculine  and  neuter),  in  -en 
(once  -an)  (masculine  and  neuter),  in  -edo  (neuter(?)),  in 
-eno  (masculine  (or  plural?)  and  feminine),  in  -ne  (masculine), 
in  -e  (neuter  or  feminine),  in  -t  (feminine  and  neuter)  ;  in  the 
plural,  in  -ed  (-ad)   (masculine  and  neuter(?)),  in  -e  for  -en 


76  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

(neuter(  ?)),  in  -eda  (masculine),  in  -ede  (masculine),  in  -edo 
(feminine  or  feminine-neuter),  in  -ena  (masculine),  and  in  -t 
(neuter(  ?)).  Compare  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §§  544,  549,  550,  551, 
553,  and  554. 

aworSa,  become,  be  made  (1):  L.  (1):  23.19  (-no;  Cook: 
asf. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549,  anm.  2 :  "In  L.  23.19,  fe'setnung 
.  .  .  awordeno  =  propter  seditionem  .  .  .  facta  (s-ic)  ist  viel- 
leicht  nsf.  oder  npn.  gemeint  "). 

awyrca,  make  (2) :  Mh.  (2) :  14.58b  (aworht),  58c 
(aworht). 

befaestiga,  espouse  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.5a  (-ad). 

begeata,  find  (2):  Mat.  (2):  I.  20.9a  (-en)  ;  4.24  (-na; 
Cook:  apm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  551:  apm.). 

begrioppa,  catch  (1) :  J.  (1) :  (1)  :  I.  5.8b  (-e;  Cook:  asf.; 
Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  549:  asf.).  But  the  participle  modifies  dcet 
uif.  Concerning  the  double  gender  of  wif  (neuter  and  femi- 
nine), see  Lindelof  2,  p.  237. 

beswinga,  flagellate  (1):  Mat.  (1):  27.26  (-ene;  Cook: 
asm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  553:  asm.). 

efnegebringa,  heap  up  (1):  L.  (1):  6.83a  (efnegebroht) . 

efnegeworSa,  bring  together  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  8.15  (-ena; 
Cook:  apm.;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  551:  apm.). 

eftforleta,  leave  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  I.  7.17  (-?io;  Cook:  npm.,  but 
should  be  apm.?     Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  551:  nom.-ac.  p.  m.). 

foregegearwiga,  prepare,  offer  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  6.4a  (-ad). 

forleta,  leave,  dismiss  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  4.20  (-en). 

(ge)binda,  bind  (2) :  Mat.  (1)  :  27.2  (-ene;  Cook:  asm.) — 
J.  (1):  18.24  (-en). 

(ge)boeta,  emend  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  23.16  (-ad). 

gebringa,  bring  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  6.20a  (gebroht). 

gecerra,  move,  shake  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  7.24c  (-ed). 

(ge)cl£B(5a,  clothe  (1) :  Mh.  (1) :  5.15*>  (gecladed). 

(ge)doema,  condemn  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  I.  5.9  (-edo;  Cook:  asf., 
but  the  participle  modifies  dcet  wif;  Carpenter,  I.e.,  §553: 
wk.  as.,  but  he  assigns  no  gender). 


The  Appositive  Participle  77 

(ge)friga,  free,  liberate  (1) :  £.  (1)  :  I.  8.9  (gefreod). 

(ge)gearwiga,  clothe  (2):  L.  (2):  7.25b  (-ad);  23.11 
(-ad). 

(ge)hera,  hear  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  6.12b  (-ed). 

(ge)hiwiga,  clothe  in  purple  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  9.2  {-due; 
Cook:  asm.;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  553:  asm.). 

gemenga,  mix  (1):  Mat  (1):  27.34b  (gemenced;  Cook: 
gemenged,  pp.). 

(ge)nemna,  name  (1):  .Mai.  (1):  I.  2.12  {-edo;  Cook: 
apm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  555 :  apm.).  [But  genemnedo  modifies 
boec,  and,  according  to  Professor  Cook,  hoc  is  either  f.  or  n. 
I  take  genemnedo  to  be  feminine  here.  If  genemnedo  is  mascu- 
line here,  it  is  due  to  the  too  close  following  of  the  Latin, 
nuncupatos.~\ 

(ge)scrynca  (gescrinca),  shrink,  dry  up  (1):  L.  (1):  I. 
8.4  (-an;  Cook:  pp. ;  Carpenter:  not  cited). 

(ge)sea,  see  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  6.12c  (gesege  (sic);  Cook: 
pp. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  547,  Amk.  1 :  "  Der  verlust  des  n  in 
gesege,  Mt.  Pr.  6.12,  wird  schreib-fehler  und  nicht  lautgesetz- 
lich  sein  "). 

(ge)temesiga,  sift  (?)  (1):  Mat.  (1):  12.4  (-eda;  Cook: 
apm. ;  Carpenter,  I.  c,  §  555  :  apm.). 

(ge)Sersca,  hill  (1) :  L.  (1) :  20.10  (gedorscen). 

(ge)woeda,  clothe  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  11.8  (-ed). 

(ge)wor(5a,  become,  be  made  (2)  :  MTe.  (1)  :  I.  1.6C  (-en). — 
/.  (1):  2.9  (-en). 

(ge)wyrca,  make  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  5.5  (geworht). 

ofnioma,  take,  catch  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  8.3  (-en). 

senda,  send  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  21.8  (sende;  Cook:  not  cited; 
Carpenter:  not  cited). 

unwoeda,  not  to  clothe  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  22.11  (-ed). 

ymbgearwiga,  clothe  (1):  Mk.  (1):  16.5b  (-ad). 


78  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

In  most  instances,18  the  Preterite  Appositive  Participle  with- 
out an  Accusative  Object  was  probably  a  native  idiom  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels.  (1)  Except  in  eight  cases,  it  is  true,  the 
Lindisfarne  Preterite  Appositive  Participle  without  an  object 
corresponds  to  the  same  idiom  in  the  Latin  original.  In  the 
exceptional  examples  the  Latin  correspondents  are  as  follows : 
a  noun  in  the  ablative  (Mat.  I.  6.10,  /.  3.1),  2;  a  gerundive 
(one  predicative:  J.  I.  8.12;  one  appositive:  L.  I.  5.9),  2;  a 
noun  in  the  genitive  (Mat.  12.4,  L.  6.4a),  2;  a  passive  sub- 
junctive (Mat.  27.12),  1;  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusative 
subject  (L.  7.24c),  1.  But  in  the  majority  of  instances  (in 
81  out  of  133  examples,  or  in  the  ratio  of  1.64  to  1),  the  abso- 
lute participle  of  the  Latin  original  is  retained  by  the  Northum- 
brian glossator.  (2)  In  most  of  its  uses,  the  idiom  was  native 
to  West-Saxon  and  probably  to  the  Germanic  languages  as  a 
whole.  See  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp. 
297  ff.,  especially  pp.  299-300. 

On  page  79  I  give  a  synoptic  table  showing  the  occurrences  of 
the  Appositive  Participle,  in  the  several  cases,  in  the  Lindis- 
farne Gospels. 

C.     Uses  of  the  Appositive  Participle 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  West-Saxon,  the  Apposi- 
tive Participle  has  three  chief  uses : — 

I.  The  Adjectival,  in  which  the  Appositive  Participle  is 
equivalent  to  a  Dependent  Adjectival  (Relative)  Clause,  and 
denotes  either  an  action  or  a  state,  as  in  Mat.  26. 7a:  cuom  to 
him  wif  hcebbende  stsenna  fulle  smirinisse  =  accessit  ad  eum 
mulier  habens  alabastrum  ungenti ;  L.  5.18a:  heono  wseras 
berende  on  bed  uel  on  ber  mono  =  ecce  uiri  portantes  in  lecto 

"The  details  are  given  below  in  the  section  specifically  dealing  with 
"  the  Origin  of  the  Appositive  Participle." 


Total  of 
Present 
and  of 
Preterite 
Participles 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

O0U5M 

tO  ^<  CM 

NCOOl 
OS  U5  CO 

cm  t-  ia 

MHrt 

CO   I-  OS 
lOlrtO) 
CM  r-l 

With 
Obj. 

■*HM 
rH  ©  i-H 
iH  i-H 

AAO 

t-  ia  cm 

00  CO  CM 

rH  OSCM 
CO  rH  rH 

NlOt- 

©TfUS 

CO  CM 

Total 

of 

Preterite 

Participle 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

iH  OS  CM 
■<*<  rH  <M 

o»  t-  eo 

00  lO  CO 

iH 

OS  00  T-t 
00  •**  ** 

With 
Obj. 

rH       •  tH 

rH  i-H       • 

i-l  i-H       • 

CO  CM  T-i 

Total 

of 

Present 

Participle 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

ia  -^  tH 

t-  r-  o 

■"*  oo  co 
CO  CO  CM 

i-l  O  lH 
CM  i-H  tH 

t-  OS  oo 

(OOU 
rH  rH 

With 
Obj. 

CO  rH  CM 
i-l  O  H 

i-l  iH 

OS  OS  O 
C-  LO  CM 

t-  U5  CM 

©  OO  <M 

MHH 

OS  CO  CO 

os  ■«}<  ia 

CM  CM 

a 

i-i 

ft 
o 

M 

H 

% 

Oh 

« 

H 

M 

H 

a 

a 

d 

CJ 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

T(<   t-   f- 

1-1 

U5  Tt<  iH 

tH  o»  Iffl 
r-l 

CO  CO  CO 

OS  CO  CO 
CO  CM  rH 

With 
Obj. 

rH       •  rH 

t-<       ■  T-t 

-4-> 

cS 

Q 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

■<*<  CO  iH 

M<  CM  CM 

OO  Irt  CO 

With 
Obj. 

rH  rH      • 

i-H  rH       • 

3 
0 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

co    •  co 

•f  rH  CO 

t-  rH  CO 

With 
Obj. 

rH  iH       • 

rH  rH       • 

a 

5 
2 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

©  OS  rH 
CM          i-H 

■*  CO  iH 

CO  CO  CO 

U5  -^<  iH 

lO  OS  CO 
CO  rH  rH 

With 
Obj. 

1 

O 

M 

H 
K 
H 
co 
H 

a 

S 

< 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

OS  U5  rt< 

t-MiP 

co  c-  co 

rH 

•*HM 

MCBt- 
CO  rH  rH 

With 
Obj. 

rH  iH       • 
i-t  iH       • 

00  •*<  •* 

co  co  co 

CM       •  CM 

t-  OO  OS 

<M  t-< 

-4-> 

C8 

Q 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

00  Tfl  •*»< 

t-  CO  rH 

ia  co  cm 

i-H          i-l 

CO       ■  CO 

CO  CO  CO 
CO  rH  CM 

With 
Obj. 

•<*  iH  CO 

Tt*  iH  CO 

OS  CD  CO 

ia    •  ifl 

eq  00  ■* 

CM          rH 

a 

3 

O 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

<N  rH  i-H 

cm     •  esq 

5DUSH 

O  CO  ^ 

i-H 

With 
Obj. 

*HM 

CO      •  CO 

<N  CM      • 

CM  i-(  i-l 

rH 

a 

o 

With- 
out 
Obj. 

«£>  ■"*<  CM 
CM  CM 

rH  00  CO 
<M  tH 

OMt» 
CO  CM 

rH  OS  CM 

T-t 

00  ^<  ^ 

00  l>  rH 

With 
Obj. 

«*  oo  c© 

OS  00 

t»<  •»!<  © 

co  ia  iH 

©  Tf  CO 
CO  U5 

CM  i-l 

OS  CO  CO 
CO  rH  CM 
CM  CM 

H 

ca 
O 

Matthew:  Total 
Gospel 
Introd'n 

Mark:  Total 
Gospel 
Introd'n 

Luke:  Total 
Gospel 
Introd'n 

John :  Total 
Gospel 
Introd'n 

Totals 

Gospels 
Introd'ns 

79 


80  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

hominem ;  Mat.  12.25 :  hus  todceled  uel  tosliten  wi(5  him  ne 
stondas  =  domus  diuisa  contra  se  non  stabit.  At  times,  how- 
ever, the  Latin  appositive  participle  that  is  equivalent  to  an 
adjectival  (relative)  clause,  is  awkwardly  translated  by  a  co- 
ordinate definite  verb,  as  in  Mat.  8.16:  gebrohton  him  menigo 
diobles  hcefdon  =  optulerunt  ei  multos  dsemonia  habentes 
(Rushworth:  monige  deofulseoke  hwbbende;  W.  S. :  manege 
deofolseoce). 

II.  Adverbial,  in  which  the  Appositive  Participle  is  equiva- 
lent to  a  Dependent  Adverbial  (Conjunctive)  Clause,  and  de- 
notes time,  manner,  means,  etc.,  as  in  Mat.  26.10:  (5a  ivittende 
uel  wiste  uutedlice  Se  hselend  cueS  =  sciens  autem  iesus  ait ; 
Mat.  27 .4 :  ic  synngade  uel  ic  firinade  sellende  uel  ic  salde  blod 
Sone  so(5f  sest  =  peccaui  tradens  sanguinem  iustum ;  Mat. 
27.54a:  gesende  eor(5  hroernise  .  .  .  ondreardon  sui(5e  =  mso 
terrae  motu  .  .  .  timuerunt  ualde;  Mat.  27.35:  todseldon  hrsegla 
his  tan  sendende  =  diuiserunt  uestimenta  eius  sortem  mittentes. 

III.  Co-ordinate,  in  which  the  Appositive  Partciple  is  sub- 
stantially equivalent  to  an  Independent  Clause,  and  either  (1) 
denotes  an  accompanying  circumstance  (the  "  circumstantial  " 
participle),  or  (2)  repeats  the  idea  of  the  principal  verb  (the 
"iterating"  participle),  as  in  Mat.  28.19:  gaa(5  forSon  laeraS 
alle  cynno  uel  hsedno  fulwuande  hia  in  noma  f adores  =  euntes 
ergo  docete  omnes  gentes  baptizantes  eos  in  nomine  patris;  Mat. 
8.29 :  geceigdon  (5us  cue&ende  —  clamauerunt  dicentes;  Mat. 
25.9 :  geonduordon  hogo  cuoedendo  =  responderunt  prudentes 
dicentes. 

The  relative  frequency  of  these  three  uses  of  the  appositive 
participle  is  as  follows:  of  the  Adjectival,  249  examples  occur, 
of  which  168  are  present  participles;  of  the  Adverbial,  78,  of 
which  68  are  present  participles;  and  of  the  Co-ordinate,  231, 
of  which  230  are  present  participles.  In  all,  558  appositive 
participles  occur  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  of  which  466  are 
present  and  92  are  preterite.  For  the  West-Saxon  Gospels  the 
figures  are  as  follows:  of  the  Adjectival  Use,  61  examples  occur, 


The  Appositive  Participle  81 

of  which  44  are  present  participles;  of  the  Adverbial,  81,  of 
which  69  are  present  participles;  and  of  the  Co-ordinate,  132, 
of  which  124  are  present  participles;  a  total  of  274  appositive 
participles,  of  which  237  are  present  participles.  The  larger 
number  of  appositive  participles  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  as 
compared  with  the  West- Saxon  Gospels  seems  due  to  two  facts : 
the  former  has  extended  prefaces  not  found  in  the  latter;  and 
the  Northumbrian  glossator  adhered  more  closely  to  his  Latin 
original  than  did  the  West-Saxon  translator.  Of  the  558  appo- 
sitive participles  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  156  occur  in  the 
"  Introductions,"  and  402  in  the  Gospels  proper,  as  against  274 
in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels. 

The  three  chief  groups  of  the  Appositive  Participle — Adjec- 
tival, Adverbial,  and  Co-ordinate — call  for  only  brief  indi- 
vidual comment. 

In  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  as  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels, 
the  Adjectival  Use  of  the  Appositive  Participle  occurs  more 
frequently  with  the  present  than  with  the  preterite  participle, 
there  being  168  of  the  former  to  81  of  the  latter  in  the  Lindis- 
fame Gospels  and  44  of  the  former  to  17  of  the  latter  in  the 
West-Saxon  Gospels.  In  West-Saxon  as  a  whole,  however,  the 
preterite  participle  is  much  more  frequent  than  the  present  in 
the  Adjectival  Use,  there  being  846  of  the  former  to  377  of 
the  latter. 

The  Adjectival  Appositive  Present  Participle  is  found  of- 
tener  without  an  object  than  with  one  in  the  Lindisfame  Gos- 
pels, in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  and  in  West-Saxon  as  a  whole, 
the  figures  being  respectively  94  to  74,  24  to  20,  and  270 
to  107. 

Of  the  Appositive  Preterite  Participle  in  the  Adjectival  Use, 
81  examples  occur  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  3  with  an  accu- 
sative object;  17,  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  none  with  an 
accusative  object ;  and  846  in  West-Saxon  as  a  whole,  none  with 
an  accusative  object. 

In  all  except  thirteen  instances,  the  Lindisfame  Adjectival 
6 


82  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

Appositive  Participle  translates  the  same  idiom  of  the  Latin 
original.  Of  these  thirteen  examples,  two  have  a  present  par- 
ticiple with  an  accusative  object  translating  a  Latin  substantiv- 
ized appositive  participle  with  an  accusative  object:  L.  3.4  and 
L.  6.32 ;  five  have  a  present  participle  without  an  accusative 
object,  corresponding  to  a  Latin  appositive  adjective  {Mat.  I. 
20.12),  a  Latin  gerundive  {Mat.  I.  20.16b,  L.  I.  10.3),  a  Latin 
subjunctive  {L.  16.18),  and  a  Latin  noun  in  the  genitive  (de- 
scriptive) (Mk.  I.  1.4a)  ;  and  seven  have  a  preterite  participle 
without  an  accusative  object,  corresponding  to  a  Latin  gerun- 
dive {J.  I.  8.12,  L.  I.  5.9(?)),  a  Latin  noun  in  the  genitive 
(descriptive)  {Mat.  12  A,  L.  6.4a),  a  Latin  noun  in  the  ablative 
(descriptive)  {Mat.  I.  6.10,  J.  3.1),  and  a  Latin  passive  infini- 
tive with  an  accusative  subject  {L.  7.24c).  These  divergences 
from  the  Latin  original  are  slight,  and  are  such  as  are  to  be 
expected.  It  seems,  therefore,  that  the  evidence  of  the  Lindis- 
fame Gospels  tends  to  confirm  the  conclusion  reached  as  to  the 
origin  of  the  Adjectival  Appositive  Participle  in  West-Saxon, 
as  stated  in  my  monograph  on  The  Appositive  Participle  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  298-300 ;  namely,  that  the  adjectival  use  of 
the  present  appositive  participle  except  with  a  few  slightly  ver- 
bal participles  like  living,  lying  {licgende),  etc.,  was  in  West- 
Saxon  due  chiefly  to  Latin  influence,  especially  if  the  participle 
governed  an  accusative  object;  but  that  the  adjectival  use  of 
the  preterite  appositive  participle  was  a  native  West-Saxon 
idiom. 

Of  the  Adverbial  Use  of  the  Appositive  Participle  about  78 
examples  occur  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  of  which  68  are 
present;  against  81  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  of  which  69 
are  present. 

In  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  an  accusative  object  is  found  28 
times  with  the  present  participle  to  27  in  the  West-Saxon  Gos- 
pels. With  the  preterite  participle  an  accusative  object  is  not 
found  in  the  former,  and  only  once  in  the  latter,  in  imitation  of 
the  Latin  original. 


The  Appositive  Participle  83 

In  its  adverbial  use  the  appositive  participle  denotes  subordi- 
nate relations  of  manner  and  means  (combined  here  under  the 
head  of  modal),  of  time,  of  cause,  of  purpose,  of  concession, 
and  of  condition.  Some  of  the  adverbial  appositive  participles 
admit  of  a  twofold  classification.  According  to  my  estimate, 
the  approximate  number  of  each  use  is:  Modal,  23 ;  Temporal, 
32 ;  Causal,  5 ;  Final,  11 ;  Concessive,  6  ;  Conditional,  1.  For 
the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  the  corresponding  figures  are:  Modal, 
15;  Temporal,  32;  Causal,  11;.  Final,  11;  Concessive,  10;  and 
Conditional,  2. 

Of  the  Appositive  participle  denoting  Time  and  Manner  (in- 
cluding Means),  examples  have  been  given  above  in  defining 
the  groups.  Here  I  need  add  only  examples  of  the  remaining 
adverbial  uses. 

Of  the  appositive  participle  denoting  Cause,  I  cite  all  the 
clearer  examples  observed  (5): — Mat.  26. 8a:  gesegon  uel  ftcet 
(5a  geseende  .  .  .  discipulas  .  .  .  wraSe  weron  =  uidentes  au- 
tem  discipuli  indignati  sunt;  Mat.  27.54a:  geseende  eor<5  hroer- 
nise  .  .  .  ondreardon  sui<5e  =  uiso  terrae  niotu  .  .  .  timu- 
erunt  ualde;  L.  I.  8.13b:  sete(5  geddung  of  Ssem  laSendum  se(5e 
hine  forcuoede  gearuande  uel  geteldon  =  Ponit  parabolam  de 
inuitatis  qui  se  excusare  studentes  (or  Adjectival?);  Mat.  I. 
8.13:  gelaered  sum  o(5er  alexandrinesca  miS  micile  bigeong  & 
ec  hogahscipe  enne  uel  an  us  fore  feower  godspellum  offorleort 
=  ammonius  (for  ammonitus?)  quidam  alexandrinus  magno 
studio  atque  industria  unum  nobis  pro  quattuor  euangeliis  dere- 
liquit  (or  Adjectival  ?)  ;  L.  7.13:  se  drihten  mi(5  miltheort- 
nise  gecerred  ofer  hia  cuoeS  =  dominus  misericordia  motus 
super  ea  dixit  (or  Co-ordinate?). 

Of  the  appositive  participle  denoting  Purpose,  eleven  exam- 
ples have  been  observed: — Mat.  16.1:  togeneolecdon  to  him  Sa 
aldo  .  .  .  cunnendo  &  bedon  hine  —  accesserunt  ad  eum  phari- 
saei  et  sadducaei  temtantes  et  rogauerunt  eum  (or  Co-ordi- 
nate?) ;  Mat.  19. 3a:  geneolecdon  to  him — [==  blank]  cunnende 
hine  =  accesserunt  ad  eum  pharisaei  temtantes  eum ;  Mat. 
19.28:  sittes  &  gie  ofer  seatla  tuelf  doemende  tuoelf  strynda 


84  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

israeles  =  sedebitis  et  uos  super  sedes  duodecim  iudicantes  duo- 
decim  tri bus  israhel;  M at.  12.43:  miS  Sy  .  .  .  gaast  .  .  .  gaaS 
uel  geeade  Serh  stowa  dryia  gesohte  uel  soecende  rest  =  cum 
autem  .  .  .  spiritus  .  .  .  ambulat  per  loca  arida  quaerens  re- 
quiem (or  Co-ordinate?);  Mat.  12.46:  moder  his  &  broSero 
stondas  uel  gestodon  bedon  uel  sohton  uel  soecende  spreca  him 
=  mater  eius  et  fratres  stabant  foris  quaerentes  loqui  ei  (or  Co- 
ordinate?) ;  Mat.  12.47;  moder  Sin  &  broSro  Sin  ute  stondes 
sohton  uel  soecende  Sec  =  mater  tua  et  fratres  tui  foris  stant 
quaerentes  te  (or  Co-ordinate?)  ;  Mh.  8.11b>c:  ongunnon  efne- 
gesoeca  miS  hine  Saet  hia  sohton  uel  soecende  from  him  becon 
of  heofne  costendo  hine  =  coeperunt  conquirere  cum  eo  quae- 
rentes ab  illo  signum  dae  (sic  for  de  f )  caelo  temtantes  eum ; 
L.  11.24:  Serheode  uel  gaS  Serh  stowa  wseterleasa  soecende  uel 
sohte  raest  =  perambulat  per  loca  inaquosa  quaerens  requiem ; 
/.  6.24.  cuomon  to  Sa?r  byrig  sohton  uel  soecende  Sone  hselend 
=  uenerunt  capharnaum  quaerentes  iesum;  J.  1.31a:  cuom  ic 
in  uaetre  fulguande  uel  to  fulguanne  =  ueni  in  aqua  baptizans. 

Of  the  appositive  participle  denoting  Concession,  six  exam- 
ples have  been  found: — Mh.  8.18  :  ego  habbaS  gie  uel  hcebbende 
ne  geseaS  gie  =  oculos  habentes  non  uidetis ;.  J.  I.  5.5a :  soecende 
hine  to  gegrioppanne  ne  maehtun  =  quaerentes  eum  adprehen- 
dere  nequeunt;  Mat.  13.13:  forSon  gesegende  uel  seende  uel 
Sset  geseas  uel  gesegon  ne  seaS  &  Sa  geherdon  ne  heras  hia  = 
quia  uidentes  non  uident  et  audientes  non  audient  (or  Co-ordi- 
nate?) ;  Mat.  13.14:  gesegende  ge  sciolon  gesea  uel  ge  geseas  = 
uidentes  uidebitis  ( ?)  ;  Mh.  4.12 :  Ssette  gesegon  geseaS  &  ne 
geseaS  &  Sa  herend  geheraS  &  ne  oncnaweS  =  ut  uidentes  uide- 
ant  et  non  uideant  et  audientes  audiant  et  non  intelligent;  L. 
I.  3.6 :  Sone  long  wiS  priclom  eftdrcegend  drihten  gecease  = 
quern  diu  contra  stimulos  recalcitrantem  dominus  elegisset. 

Of  the  appositive  participle  denoting  Condition,  only  the  fol- 
lowing example  has  been  found: — Mat.  18.8b:  god  uel  betra 
Se  is  to  life  ingae  unhal  uel  halt  Son  tua  honda  uel  tuoege  foet 
hcebbende  uel  hsebbe  sende  in  fyr  ece  =  bonum  tibi  est  ad  uitam 
ingredi  debilem  uel  clodum  quam  duas  manus  uel  duos  pedes 
habentem  mitti  [in]  ignem  aeternum. 


The  Appositive  Participle  85 

In  all  cases  except  eight  the  Lindisfarne  Adverbial  Apposi- 
tive Participle  corresponds  to  a  Latin  appositive  participle  of 
the  original.  In  these  eight  examples,  seven  participles  denote 
time,  and  one  denotes  cause.  Six  of  the  participles  are  present, 
have  an  accusative  object,  and  correspond  to  the  following  Latin 
idioms:  a  gerundive  in  the  accusative  (Mat.  I.  18. 9C),  1;  and 
an  ablative  absolute  in  the  passive  (Mat  26.37a,  44a;  2T.5a,  6, 
54),  5.  Another  of  the  participles  is  present,  has  no  accusative 
object,  and  corresponds  to  a  Latin  subjunctive  (Mk.  13.1). 
And  one  of  the  participles  (in  Mat.  27.12)  is  preterite,  has  no 
object,  and  corresponds  to  a  Latin  subjunctive  passive.  The 
evidence  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  therefore,  tends  to  con- 
firm the  conclusions  reached  on  the  basis  of  the  West-Saxon 
as  to  the  origin  in  West-Saxon  of  the  adverbial  appositive  par- 
ticiple, as  stated  in  detail  in  The  Appositive  Participle  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  300-306 ;  namely,  that  the  appositive  parti- 
ciple (present  and  past)  denoting  manner  was  probably  a  native 
West-Saxon  idiom ;  but  that  the  appositive  participle  denoting 
other  adverbial  relations  was  in  West-Saxon  due  mainly  to 
Latin  influence. 

The  Co-ordinate  Appositive  Participle,  in  both  its  circum- 
stantial and  its  iterative  uses,  was  illustrated  above  in  defining 
the  term  co-ordinate.  Here  I  should  add  that,  as  in  the  West- 
Saxon  Gospels,  so  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  co-ordinate 
use  is  very  frequent,  especially  in  its  iterating  species:  about 
155  examples  occur  of  cuoefiende  used  co-ordinately. 

In  all  instances  except  one  (L.  8.37),  the  Co-ordinate  Appo- 
sitive Participle  corresponds  to  the  same  idiom  in  the  Latin 
original.  In  this  one  instance  the  Lindisfarne  appositive  par- 
ticiple translates  a  Latin  finite  verb  that  is  in  close  proximity 
to  a  Latin  appositive  participle.  I  believe,  therefore,  that  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels  again  tends  to  uphold  the  conclusion 
reached  as  to  the  origin  of  this  idiom  in  West-Saxon ;  namely, 
that  it  was  imported  into  West-Saxon  directly  from  the  Latin, 
chiefly  from  the  Vulgate  New  Testament. 


86  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

NOTES 

1.  The  Voice  of  the  Appositive  Participle. — As  a  rule,  in 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  the  Present  Participle  is  active  in 
sense.  Occasionally,  however,  the  Present  Participle  is  proba- 
bly passive  in  sense,  as  in  the  following  passages,  in  which  the 
Northumbrian  present  participle  translates  a  Latin  gerundive 
or  preterite19  participle: — Mat.  I.  20.16a'b:  foregeheht  bren- 
gende  him  bloedsende  lytla  ne  wiSsaca  =  Praecepit  oblatos 
sibi  benedicendos  paruulos  non  repelli ;  ib.  I.  18.9 :  geeade  & 
eftwceccende  dohter  Sses  aldormonnes  (5set  wif  of  herning  blodes 
haeleS  geweht  &  (5set  maeden  =  Pergens  et  resuscitandam  filiam 
principis  mulierem  a  profluuio  sanguinis  sanat  suscitans  et 
puellam.  At  times,  too,  the  Substantival  Present  Participle 
is  passive  in  sense,  as  in  L.  I.  8.13 :  sete<5  geddung  of  Saem 
ladendum  se(5e  hine  forcuoede  gearuande  uel  geteledon  symbel 
ne  woeron  wyrSe  =  Ponit  parabolam  de  inuitatis  qui  se  excu- 
sare  studentes  cena  non  fuerint  digni. — The  Preterite  Parti- 
ciple of  intransitive  verbs  has  an  active  sense,  as  in  Mat.  7.6 : 
gewoendo  uel  gecerdo  toslitas  iuh  =  conuersi  disrumpant  uos. 
Of  transitive  verbs,  the  Preterite  Participle  is  usually  passive 
in  sense,  but  occasionally  it  is  active  in  sense,  as  is  possibly 
true  of  geweht  =  suscitans  in  Mat.  I.  18.10,  quoted  in  the  ear- 
lier part  of  this  note  under  Mat.  I.  18.9  ;  and  of  offylgde  =  asse- 
cuto  in  L.  1.3,  quoted  on  p.  71  above.  But  in  J.  4.39  (ge- 
trymmedes  =  perhibentis),  also  quoted  on  p.  71,  getrymmedes 
is  probably  a  scribal  error  for  getrymmendes. — Concerning  the 
voice  of  the  appositive  participle  in  West-Saxon,  see  The  Appo- 
sitive Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  289-290.  For  the  voice 
of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  see  Note 
1,  on  p.  5  above;  and  of  the  Predicative  Participle,  see  the 
section  on  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construc- 
tion below. 

"Often,  however,  a  Northumbrian  appositive  present  participle,  though 
translating  a  Latin  passive  participle  (either  absolute  or  appositive),  re- 
mains active  in  sense  by  merely  making  the  subject  of  the  Latin  participle 
the  object  in  the  translation,  as  in  Mat.  26.44* :  forletende  hia  eftersona  eode 
=  relictis  Mis  iterum  abiit. 


The  Appositive  Participle  87 

2.  Some  Possible  Examples  of  the  Appositive  Participle  are 
mentioned  in  Note  1,  p.  5 ;  Note  3,  p.  6 ;  and  Note  1,  p.  10. 

3.  An  Alternative  Choice  between  an  Appositive  Participle 
and  a  Finite  Verb,  as  the  Translation  of  a  Latin  Appositive 
Participle,  is  not  infrequently  given  by  the  Lindisfarne  glossa- 
tor, as  in  Mat.  26.49 :  sona  cwom  uel  geneolecde  uel  geongende 
to  Sam  hselende  cue(5  =  confestim  accedens  ad  iesum  dixit ;  ib. 
9.14:  (5a  geneolecdon  uel  comon  to  him  Segnas  iohannes  cue- 
cfendo  uel  hia  cuedon  =  accesserunt  ad  eum  discipuli  iohannis 
dicentes;  etc.,  etc. 

4.  Supplementary  Particles  with  the  Appositive  Partici- 
ple.— In  his  "  Conjunction  Plus  Participle  Group  in  English," 
a  Master  of  Arts  dissertation  presented  at  the  University  of 
North  Carolina  and  published  in  Studies  in  Philology,  iv, 
1910,  pp.  1-29,  Mr.  O.  P.  Khyne  discusses  the  earliest  occur- 
rences of  the  Supplementary  Particle  with  the  Appositive  Par- 
ticiple. On  p.  8,  he  declares:  "  Einenkel  .  .  .  traces  it  [the 
construction  in  question]  ...  no  further  back  than  the  mid- 
dle of  the  18th  century.  Indeed,  it  seems  to  be  the  impression 
of  all  grammarians  who  have  treated  the  subject  that  the  con- 
struction first  came  into  English  about  this  time.  But  in  real- 
ity, it  goes  much  farther  back.  I  have  been  able  to  trace  it  as 
far  back  as  1552"  (in  Roister  Doister).  The  earliest  occur- 
rence, however,  antedates  Mr.  Rhyne's  year  (1552)  by  cen- 
turies. Although  Mr.  Khyne  quotes  from  Matzner's  Englische 
Grammatik,  in,  pp.  73-74,  what  is  said  concerning  this  con- 
struction, he  seems  to  have  overlooked  page  90  of  the  same  vol- 
ume, where  one  example  is  given  of  this  construction  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  and  The  Appositive  Participle  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  290- 
291,  where  about  a  dozen  examples  are  given  from  West-Saxon. 
I  do  not  recall  any  example  of  the  idiom  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels. 

I  close  this  section  with  a  Synoptic  Table  showing,  approxi- 
mately, the  distribution  of  the  several  Uses  of  the  Appositive 
Participle  in  the  four  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  As  to  the  classifica- 
tion of  individual  examples,  of  course,  there  is  room  for  differ- 
ence of  opinion. 


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The  Appositive  Participle  89 

]).     Origin  of  the  Idioms  with  the  Appositive  Participle  : 
Summary  Statement 

The  Origin  of  the  Idioms  with  the  Appositive  Participle  has, 
for  the  sake  of  brevity,  been  discussed  in  connection  with  the 
exposition  of  its  several  uses.  See  the  preceding  section,  espe- 
cially p.  81,  for  the  Adjectival  Use;  p.  85,  for  the  Adverbial 
Use;  and  p.  85,  for  the  Co-ordinate  Use.  The  results  there 
obtained  may  be  summarized  here  as  follows.  In  the  Adjec- 
tival Use,  the  Appositive  Present  Participle,  except  with  a  few 
slightly  verbal  participles,  is  due  to  Latin  influence,  especially 
if  the  participle  governs  an  accusative  object ;  while  the  Apposi- 
tive Preterite  Participle  is  a  native  English  idiom,  except  when 
governing  an  accusative  object.  In  the  Adverbial  Use,  the 
Appositive  Participle  (present  and  past)  denoting  manner  is 
probably  a  native  English  idiom;  but  in  all  other  adverbial 
uses  the  Appositive  Participle  is  probably  due  to  the  influence 
of  the  Latin.  And  in  the  Co-ordinate  Use,  whether  circum- 
stantial or  iterative,  the  Appositive  Participle  is  an  importation 
from  the  Latin.  That,  in  the  uses  above  specified,  the  Latin 
influence  is  preponderating  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that,  in  the 
alleged  foreign  uses,  the  appositive  participle  corresponds,  al- 
most without  exception,  to  the  same  idiom  in  the  Latin  original ; 
and  that,  in  the  majority  of  instances  (in  the  ratio  of  1.3  to  1 
in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  as  a  whole) ,  the  Northumbrian  glos- 
sator renders  the  Latin  appositive  participle  otherwise  than  by 
a  participial  phrase,  usually  by  a  co-ordinated  20  finite  verb, 
less  frequently  by  a'  subordinated  finite  verb.  By  this  prefer- 
ence for  finite  verb  over  participial  phrase,  the  Lmdisfarne 
glossator  again  adopts  the  native  English  and  the  native  Ger- 
manic idiom. 


20  For  the  ratio  of  co-ordinated  to  subordinated  finite  verbs,  see  pp.  52 
and  71  above. 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  INFINITIVE 

Introduction 

In  considering  the  syntax  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels,  I  follow  the  general  plan  of  treatment  given  to  the 
West-Saxon  Infinitive  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

As  in  West-Saxon,  so  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  from  the 
standpoint  of  Form,  there  are  two  infinitives:  (1)  the  unin- 
fected, or  simple,  infinitive  in  -a  1  or  in  -e  (occasionally  in  -ob  or 
in  -i) ,  which  corresponds  to  the  West-Saxon  uninflected  infinitive 
in  -an,  and  which  in  origin  is  the  petrified  and  weathered  nomi- 
native-accusative case  of  a  neuter  verbal  noun ;  and  (2)  the  unin- 
flected, or  gerundial,  or  prepositional,  infinitive,  made  up  of  the 
preposition  to  plus  the  dative  case  of  the  uninflected  infinitive 
ending  in  -anne 2  (-enne;  occasionally  -enna,  -ennce,  -enni, 
-enno;  and,  with  simplification  of  the  double  consonant,  occa- 
sionally -ane,  -ano,  -ene).  Occasionally  the  to  is  followed  by 
an  infinitive  in  -an  3  and  occasionally  by  an  infinitive  in  -ende 
(-endo)  (by  confusion  with  the  form  of  the  present  participle), 

1  According  to  Dr.  Theodor  Kolbe,  in  his  Die  Konjugation  der  Lindis- 
fwrner  Evangelien,  Bonn,  1912,  §  205,  -a  occurs  620  times,  -e  175  times, 
■ce  16  times,  and  -i  twice.  Once,  too,  we  find  an  uninflected  infinitive  in 
-an  (bian,  'be,'  in  Mat.  1.20)  ;  and  once  we  have  an  uninflected  infinitive 
without  any  ending  ( do,  '  do,'  in  Mat.  I.  16.9 ) .  See,  too,  Dr.  H.  A. 
Carpenter's  Die  Destination  in  der  Nordhumbrischen  Evangelieniibersetz- 
ung  der  Lindisfarner  Handschrift,  Bonn,  1910,  §§  43,  51,  and  77. 

2  For  the  relative  frequency  of  these  variant  forms  of  the  inflected 
infinitive,  see  Kolbe,  1.  c,  §  206,  who  states  that  -arme,  occurs  250  times, 
-enne  49  times,  and  the  others  only  occasionally.  He  does  not,  however, 
mention  the  -ene  form  of  the  infinitive,  of  which  an  example  is  found  in 
L.  I.  8.10. 

8  Kolbe,  I.  c,  §  206,  cites  examples  of  the  -an  infinitive  preceded  by  to, 
but  not  of  the  -ende  infinitive.  But  we  have  instances  of  the  latter,  I 
think,  in  L.  I.  7.16"  and  I.  9.14c,  in  which  -ende  (-endo)  is  preceded  by 
to;   and  in  Mat.  I.  17.13",  in  which  to  is  omitted  before  -ende. 

90 


The  Infinitive  91 

both  of  which  forms  are  counted  as  inflected  in  this  investiga- 
tion. Very  rarely,  too,  we  have  the  -anne  {-enne)  infinitive  not 
preceded  by  to;  4  and  once  preceded  by  til.5 

While  the  dual  nature  of  the  Infinitive — the  substantival  and 
the  verbal — is  constantly  borne  in  mind,  the  classification  of 
the  infinitive  is  based  primarily  on  its  Function  in  the  sentence. 
According  to  function  we  have  four  chief  uses  of  the  infinitive, 
namely,  the  Substantival,  the  Predicative  (or  more  Verbal), 
the  Adverbial,  and  the  Adjectival,  each  term  here  used  as 
defined  at  length  in  the  aforementioned  monograph.  And  these 
chief  uses  are  further  subdivided  here  as  there. 

Accordingly  I  give  a  section  to  each  distinctive  use  of  the 
Infinitive  and  to  certain  Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive.  It  will 
be  observed  that  two  uses  not  found  in  West-Saxon  occur  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels,  namely,  the  Infinitive  as  the  Object  of  a 
Preposition  and  the  Imperative  Use  of  the  Infinitive ;  and  that 
some  new  and  interesting  modifications  of  the  Predicative  In- 
finitive with  Accusative  Subject  have  been  discovered  in  the 
Northumbrian  gloss.  Again,  although  I  have  made  the  use 
rather  than  the  form  of  the  infinitive  the  determining  factor  in 
my  section-division,  I  have  everywhere  sharply  separated  the 
inflected  infinitive  from  the  uninflected.  And  one  of  my  chief 
problems  has  been  to  try  to  discover  the  grounds  of  differentia- 
tion between  the  two  infinitives  in  the  several  uses.  It  is  grati- 
fying to  find  that  the  general  principles  governing  the  differen- 
tiation in  West-Saxon  apply  with  only  slight  modification  to 
our  Northumbrian  gloss. 

With  each  use,  too,  I  have  tried  to  estimate  the  bearing  of 
the  evidence  derived  from  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  on  the  Origin 
of  the  constructions  of  the  infinitive  not  only  in  the  Northum- 
brian dialect  but  also  in  West-Saxon, — one  of  the  two  chief 
problems  of  my  monograph  referred  to  above.  And,  as  an  aid 
to  such  an  estimate,  with  each  use  I  have  given  the  Latin  cor- 

4  Mat.  I.   17.13s  and,  possibly,   13b    (with  -mde  for  -enne);    I.  20.11;— 
L.  I.  10.15;  21.36b;— J.  I.  8.4. 
6   In  Mat.  26.17*. 


92  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

respondents  of  the  Lindisfarne  infinitives.  I  have,  moreover, 
made  a  minute  study  of  the  Rushworth  Gospels,  and,,  in  rare  or 
difficult  passages,  have  compared  the  Rushworth  rendering  with 
the  Lindisfarne. 

For  reasons  stated  in  my  "  Preface,"  I  have  not  treated  the 
Order  of  Words. 

The  Voice  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  de- 
serves special  consideration,  and  is  discussed  in  each  section 
below.  Here  I  need  make  only  a  few  general  comments  on  the 
two  infinitives.  Although,  as  in  West-Saxon,  the  uninflected 
infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  is  normally  active  in  sense  also, 
deviations  from  this  norm  are  more  common  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  than  in  West-Saxon.  In  several  of  the  uses  (subject- 
ive, objective,  and  predicative  (with  auxiliary  verbs  and  with 
accusative  subject)),  sporadic  examples  occur  of  an  uninflected 
infinitive  that,  though  active  in  form,  translates  a  Latin  passive 
infinitive,  and  seems  itself  to  be  passive  in  sense.  In  far  the 
majority  of  instances,  however,  the  Lindisfarne  uninflected  in- 
finitive that  translates  a  Latin  passive  infinitive  is  itself  active 
in  sense.  See  on  this  topic  the  paragraph  on  the  voice  of  the 
infinitive  in  each  of  the  following  sections,  especially  in  Section 
II,  where  the  matter  is  discussed  at  length  with  reference  to  the 
objective  infinitive  after  verbs  of  commanding,  etc. 

The  inflected  infinitive  is  active  in  sense  as  in  form  except  in 
the  predicative  use  with  bia(n)  (wosa)  to  denote  necessity  (and 
occasionally — once — to  denote  purpose),  in  which  it  is  exclu- 
sively passive  in  sense;  in  the  predicative  use  with  accusative 
subject6  (in  object  clauses),  in  which,  though  occasionally 
active  in  sense,  it  usually  translates  a  Latin  passive  gerundive, 
and  is  passive  in  sense ;  and  in  the  final  use,  in  which,  though 
normally  active  in  sense,  it  is  possibly  once  or  twice  passive  in 
sense.  It  is  evident,  therefore,  that  the  use  of  the  inflected 
infinitive  in  a  passive  sense  is  more  extended  in  the  Lindisfarne 

*  In  what,  for  lack  of  a  better  name,  I  have  denominated  the  Elliptical 
Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction,  the  present  participle,  though  ac- 
tive in  form,  is  usually  passive  in  sense.     See  Section  XV  below. 


The  Infinitive  93 

Gospels  than  in  West-Saxon,  a  fact  arising  probably  from  the 
frequency  of  passive  gerundives  in  the  Latin  original  and  from 
the  aversion  of  the  glossator  to  the  use  of  the  compound  passive 
infinitive. 

Of  the  strictly  passive  infinitive  (that  is,  of  the  infinitive 
made  up  of  bia(n)  (wosa)  plus  a  perfect  participle),  I  have 
found  but  two  examples  in  the  whole  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gos- 
pels, which  are  quoted  in  the  section  on  "  the  Predicative  Infini- 
tive with  Auxiliary  Verbs."  The  passive  infinitive  is  rare, 
though  not  so  rare,  in  West-Saxon,  and  in  the  latter,  as  in  the 
two  Lindisfarne  examples,  is  due  to  Latin  influence. 

I.     THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

The  active  infinitive  as  the  Subject  of  a  finite  verb  is  some- 
what more  frequent  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  than  in  the 
West-Saxon  Gospels,  there  being  66  examples  (74  including  the 
"Introductions")  in  the  former  to  39  in  the  latter.  As  the 
subject  of  an  active  verb,  the  active  infinitive  occurs  about  44 
times  (52  times  including  the  "  Introductions  ")  in  the  Lindis- 
farne Gospels  to  31  times  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels;  as  the 
subject  of  a  passive  verb,  it  occurs  about  22  times  in  the  former 
to  8  times  in  the  latter.  Under  the  subjective  use  I  include 
sentences  having  hit  as  the  grammatical  subject  and  the  infini- 
tive as  the  logical  subject. 

1.    With  Active  Finite  Verb 

I  consider  first  the  active  infinitive  as  the  subject  of  active 
verbs.  As  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  so  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  the  subjective  infinitive  is  more  frequently  uninflected 
than  inflected,  the  proportion  in  the  latter  being  26  to  18  (29 
to  23  inclusive  of  the  "  Introductions  ")  to  17  to  14  in  the 
former.  In  West-Saxon  as  a  whole,  however,  the  subjective 
infinitive  is  more  frequently  inflected  than  uninflected,  there 
being  252  examples  of  the  former  to  104  of  the  latter.     The 


94  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

divergence  from  the  West-Saxon  norm  in  the  translation  and 
in  the  gloss  of  the  Gospels  is  probably  due  to  the  fact  that,  in  the 
Latin  original  and  in  the  two  renderings  thereof,  the  infinitive 
is  less  frequently  in  proximity  to  a  dative-governing  adjective 
or  verb,  which  dative-governing  word  in  West-Saxon  7  attracted 
the  uninflected  infinitive  into  the  inflected  form. 

The  subjective  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form,  whether  unin- 
flected or  inflected,  seems  to  me  habitually  active  in  sense. 
Occasionally,  however,  it  translates  a  Latin  passive  infinitive, 
and  seems  itself  passive  in  sense,  as  in  the  following: — Mat. 
18.9b:  god  uel  betra  (5e  is  an  ege  in  lif  ingeonga  Son  tuoe  ego 
hasbbe  gesende  in  tintergo  f yres  =  bonum  tibi  est  uno  oculo  in 
uitam  intrare  quam  duos  oculos  habentem  mitti  in  gehennam 
ignis;  Mk.  9.45b:  god  is  <5e  halt  ingeonga  in  lif  sece  Son  tuoege 
foet  hsebbe  sende  in  tintergo  fyres  =  bonum  est  tibi  claudum 
introire  in  uitam  aeternam  quam  duos  pedes  habentem  mitti  in 
gehennam  ignis;  Mk.  9.47b:  god  is  Se  anege  ingeonga  in  ric 
godes  Son  tuoego  ego  hsebbe  gesende  on  tintergo  fyres  =  bonum 
est  tibi  luscum  introire  in  regnum  dei  quam  duos  oculos  haben- 
tem mitti  in  gehennam  ignis.  But  in  the  majority  of  instances, 
even  when  translating  a  Latin  passive  infinitive,  the  Lindis- 
farne  subjective  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  is  active  in 
sense,  as  in  the  following  examples: — Mat.  22.  17:  is  rehtlic 
penningslseht  gesella  Ssem  caseri  uel  no  ?  =  licet  censum  dari 
caesari  an  non  ?  8  Mk.  2.22 :  ah  Saet  win  niwe  in  byttum  niwum 
senda  is  rehtlic  =  sed  uinum  nouum  in  utres  nouos  mitti 
debet;  J.  3.14:  sua?  gefeage  uel  oftersuifia  gedeafnad  is  sunu 
monnes  =  ita  exaltari  oportet  filium  hominis ; — Mat.  I.  8.9b : 
seteawas  fewr  ana  uel  noht  mara  se  reht  godspellas  to  onfoanne 
=  ostenditur  quattuor  tantum  debere  euangelia  suscipi;  Mk. 
13.10:  serist  gerises  to  bodanne  uel  to  forescegcane  uel  Saette  he 
sie  boden  godspell  =  primum  oportet  praedicari  euangelium ; 
L.  13.16:  Sios  uutedlice  dohter  abrahames  .  .  .  ne  were  geris- 

T  See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  20-26. 

8  Cf .   L.  20.22 :    is  reht  us   to  seaXlanne  Saet  geafel  Stem  caseri  ?  =  licet 
nobis  dare  tributum  caesari? 


The  Infinitive  95 

nelic  uel  reht  to  unbindanne  uel  to  undoanne  of  bend  Sissum 
daBge  symbles  ?  =  hanc  autem  filia  (sic)  abrahae  .  .  .  non 
oportuit  solid  a  uinculo  isto  die  sabbati  ?  Mh.  12.14:  is  gelefed 
to  seallane  geaf ol  (5sem  caseri  ?  =  licet  dari  tributum  caesari  ? 

I.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject 
with  the  following  verbs: — 

bia(n),  be. 

bia(n),  be,  in  predicative  combination  with  Adjectives  (oc- 
casionally with  Nouns)  : 

behoflic,  necessary,  expedient. 
gewuna,  custom. 

gelicia,  please. 

scina,  ordinarily  shine,  but  here  be  allowable,  translating 
licuit. 

widliga,  corrupt. 

A  few  examples  will  suffice  for  illustration: — 

Mat.  15.20 :  unSuenum  uutedlice  hondum  eatta  ne  widlas 
Sone  monno  =  non  lotis  autem  manibus  manducare  non  coinci- 
nant  (sic)  hominem. 

L.  12.32 :  for<5on  gelicade  woel  feder  iuer  gesealla  iuh  (5set 
ric  =  quia  complacuit  patri  uestro  dare  uobis  regnum. 

Mlc.  15.6:  Serb  Sone  dasge  Sonne  symbel  forgeafa  gewuna 
w&s  him  enne  =  Per  diem  autem  festum  dimittere  solebat  illis 
unum  ex  uinctis  (or  Predicate  Nominative?). 

II.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject 
with  the  following  verbs: — 

behofia,  behoove. 

bia(n),  be,  in  predicative  combination  with  Adjectives  (oc- 
casionally with  Nouns)  : 

darflic,  useful. 

longsum,  long,  tedious. 

ned(e),  necessary. 

(5arf,  necessity. 
Typical  examples  are: — 


96  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

Mat.  I.  5.7 :  Sa  to  talanna  loiigsum  is  =  quos  enumerare 
longissimum  est. 

Mat.  14.16a:  cueS  .  .  .  ned  is  Saet  hia  gegae  uel  Barf  is  him 
to  geonganne  =  dixit  .  .  .  necesse  ire. 

III.     The  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infinitive 
are  each  found  as  the  subject  of  the  following  verbs : — 
bia(n),  be,  in  predicative  combination  with  Adjectives: 
ge(h)risenlic  (-hrisnelic),  fitting. 
god,  good. 
reht,  right,  proper. 
rehtlic,  right,  proper. 
gehrisa :  see  gerisa. 
gerisa,  be  fitting. 

The  following  are  typical  examples : — 

Mat.  15.26a'  b:  ne  is  god  to  onfoanne  hlaf  Sara  suna  &  sende 
hundum  =  non  est  bonum  sumere  panem  filiorum  et  mittere 
canibus. 

Mat.  23.23a'b:  Sses  is  rehtlic  uel  rehtlic  wcere  to  doanne  & 
<5a  ne  forhycga  =  haec  oportuit  facere  et  ilia  non  omittere. 

I  now  give,  in  a  single  alphabetic  list,  the  complete  statistics 
of  the  active  infinitive  as  the  Subject  of  active  verbs  (U. :  9  29, 
of  which  3  are  in  the  "  Introductions  " ;  I. :  9  23,  of  which  5 
are  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

behofia,  behoove:  U.:  9  (0).— I.9  (1) :  L.  (1) :  12.12. 

bia(n)  (wosa),  be:  U.  (2):  Mat.  (1):  20.23a.— ».  (1): 
10.40'a.— I.  (0). 

bia(n)  (wosa),  plus  an  adjective  (or  occasionally  a 
noun)  : — 

—  behoflic,  necessary,  expedient:  U.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I. 
14.15.— I.  (0). 

—  darflic,  useful:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  3.7. 

—  ge(h)risenlic  (-hrisnelic),  fitting:  U.  (1):  L.  (1): 
15.32b.— I.  (3):  L.  (3):  2.49;  13.16;  15.32a. 

8  In  the  statistics  here  and  elsewhere,  U.  =  Uninflected  Infinitive;  I.  - 
Inflected  Infinitive. 


The  Infinitive  97 

bia(n)  phis  an  adjective,  continued: 

—  gewuna,  custom:  U.  (1):  Mh.  (1):  15.6.— I.  (0). 

—  god,  good:  U.  (10):  Mat.  (3):  15.26b;  18.9a>b.— Mk. 
(7):  7.27b;  9.43a>b;  9.45a>b;  9.47a>b  — I.  (5):  Mat.  (2): 
15.26a;  17 A.— Mk.  (2)  :  7.27a;  9.5.— L.  (1) :  9.33. 

—  long,  long,  tedious:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  5.7. 

—  ned(e),  necessary:  U.  (0). — I.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  5.8a. 

—  rent,  right,  proper:  U.  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  13.7.— I.  (4) :  Mat. 
(1) :  I.  8.9b— Mk.  (1) :  I.  1.8b— L.  (2) :  17.10;  20.22. 

— rehtlic,  right,  proper:  U.  (5):  Mat.  (4):  19.3C;  20.15; 
22.17;  23.23b—  Mk.  (1):  2.22.— I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  23.23a. 

— Sarf,  necessity:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  14.16a. 

forstonda,  be  expedient:  U.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  19.10.— 7.  (0). 

forwosa,  be  of  advantage  (?) :  U.  (0). — I.  (1):  Mat.  (1): 
I.  2.14(?). 

gehrisa :  see  gerisa. 

geliciga,  please:  U.  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  12.32.— I.  (0). 

gerisa  (-hrisa),  be  fitting:  U.  (4):  L.  (4):  I.  3.8;  17.25; 
18.1a»b— I.  (4):  Mk.  (1):  13.10.— L.  (3):  11.42a>b;  13.14. 

scina,  usually  shine,  but  here  be  allowable :  U.  ( 1 ) :  Mat. 
(1):I.  2.13(?).— I.  (0). 

widliga,  corrupt:  U.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  15.20.— I.  (0). 

2.     With  Passive  Verbs 

The  active  infinitive  is  found  as  the  subject  of  passive  verbs 
about  22  times.    The  infinitive  is  inflected  10  times. 

I.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject 
of  the  passive  of  the  following  verb : 

alefa,  allow. 

II.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  subject  of 
the  passive  of  the  following  verbs: — 

(ge)  sella,  give. 
lefa,  allow. 

III.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infinitive 


98  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

are  each  found  as  the  subject  of  the  passive  of  the  following 
verbs : — 

gedsefna,  be  fitting. 
(ge)  deafna:  see  {ge)dwfna. 
(ge)lefa,  alloiv. 

A  few  examples  will  suffice  for  these  three  groups : — 
Mk.  3.4a>b>c:  is  alefed  rmestdagum  wel  wyrce  uel  yfle's  6a 
sawele  hal  gedoa  uel  losiga-f  =  licet  sabbatis  bene  fa-cere  an 
male  ?  animam  saluam  facere  an  perdere  ? 

Mat.  13.11 :  forSon  iuh  gesald  is  uel  wses  (5set  ge  witte  uel  to 
uutanne  clseno  hryno  =  quia  nobis  datum  est  nosse  mysteria. 

L.  14.3 :  is  gelefed  on  symbeldsege  gelecnia?  =  licet  sabbato 
curare f 

Mat.  14.4 :  ne  is  gelefed  Se  to  habbanne  <5a  uel  hia  =  non 
licet  tibi  habere  earn. 

The  complete  statistics  of  the  active  infinitive  as  the  subject 
of  passive  verbs  are  as  follows  (U. :  12,  all  in  the  Gospels 
proper ;  I. :  10,  all  in  the  Gospels  proper)  : — 

alefa,  allow:  U.  (6) :  Mk.  (3) :  3.4»M— L.  (3) :  5.9aM— 
I.  (0). 

(ge)dsefna  (deafna),  be  fitting:  U.  (2):  J.  (2):  3.14; 
4.20.— I.  (1):L.  (1):  19.5. 
(ge) deafna:  see  {ge)dcefna. 

(ge)lefa,  allow:  U.  (4):  Mat.  (2):  12.11,  12.— Mk.  (1): 
10.2.— L.  (1) :  14.3.— I.  (5)  :  Mat.  (2)  :  12.2;  14.4.— Mk.  (2) : 
6.8;  12.14.— L.  (1):  6.4b. 

(ge)sella,  give:  U.  (0).— I.  (2):  Mat,  (1):  13.11.— L. 
(1):8.10. 

lefa,  allow:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  2.26. 

DIFFERENTIATION   OF   THE   TWO   INFINITIVES 

Whether  with  active  or  with  passive  verbs,  the  Differentiation 
between  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infinitive 
as  Subject  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  seems  in  the  main  to  rest 
upon  the  same  principle  as  in  West-Saxon :  "  Verbs  and  verbal 
phrases  that  govern  a  dative  (or  occasionally  a  genitive)  nor- 


The  Infinitive  99 

mally  have  the  inflected  infinitive  as  subject,  especially  if  the 
infinitive  is  near  its  principal  verb."  10  Accordingly,  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  West-Saxon,  we  find  that,  as  a  rule, 
in  a  series  of  infinitives  as  subjects,  although  the  first  infinitive 
is  inflected,  the  succeeding  one  is  not,  presumably  because  of 
its  remoteness  from  the  principal  verb,  as  in  Mat.  23.23a>b: 
Sses  is  rehtlic  uel  rehtlic  wsere  to  doanne  &  (5a  ne  forhycga  = 
haec  oportuit  facere  et  ilia  non  omittere.11  In  L.  11.42a>b, 
however,  each  of  the  two  infinitives  is  inflected  despite  the  sep- 
aration of  the  second  from  its  finite  verb  (geras)  by  three  words. 
Such  a  deviation  from  the  general  norm  by  the  Lindisfarne 
glossator  is  due  partly  to  analogy  and  partly  to  the  lateness  of 
the  text,  it  is  believed. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

As  to  the  Origin  of  the  Subjective  Infinitive,  the  evidence  of 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  tends  to  confirm  the  conclusion  reached 
from  the  study  of  the  idiom  in  West-Saxon,  as  stated  in  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  pp.  183-184,  namely,  that  in  West- 
Saxon  the  active  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  as 
the  subject  of  active  verbs  was  a  native  idiom  only  slightly  in- 
fluenced by  the  Latin,  but  that  as  the  subject  of  passive  verbs 
it  was  an  idiom  borrowed  from  the  Latin.  This  conclusion  was 
there  based  on  the  paucity  of  the  latter  construction  in  the  more 
original  West-Saxon  literature  and  on  the  nature  of  the  Latin 
correspondents  (their  diversity  in  the  one  construction  and 
their  substantial  uniformity  in  the  other).  As  is  to  be  expected, 
the  correspondence  between  Latin  original  and  Old  English 
rendering  is  closer  in  the  Lindisfarne  gloss  than  in  the  West- 
Saxon  translation.  The  Latin  correspondents  of  the  active  Sub- 
jective Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  are  as  follows: — 
(1)  with  an  active  finite  verb:  an  infinitive  that  is  the  subject 
of  a  finite  verb  (U. :  24;  L:  16)  ;  an  accusative  and  infinitive 

10  See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  24. 

11  A  complete  list  of  the  subjective  infinitive  in  a  series  is  given  in  Note 
1  at  the  end  of  this  section. 


100  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

as  the  subject  of  a  finite  verb  (U. :  5  ;  I. :  5)  ;  a  predicative  in- 
finitive with  an  auxiliary  verb  (U. :  0;  I.:  2); — (2)  with  a 
passive  verb:  an  infinitive  that  is  the  subject  of  a  finite  verb 
(U. :  11;  I.:  8) ;  an  accusative  and  infinitive  as  the  subject  of 
a  finite  verb  (U. :  1 ;  I. :  2). 

APPENDIX   V 

THE  SUBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE  IN  THE  OTHEE  GERMANIC 
LANGUAGES 

In  the  Tijdschrift  voor  Nederlandsche  Tool-  en  Letterhunde, 
xi,  1892,  pp.  165-168,  Professor  W.  L.  van  Helten  gives  an 
instructive  discussion  of  the  Infinitive  as  Subject  in  Dutch,  in 
an  article  entitled  "  Over  het  Gebruik  van  den  Infinitief  als 
Subject,  Object,  of  in  Verbinding  met  Dan."  I  have  been  de- 
lighted to  find  that  in  this  article,  which  I  first  saw  during  the 
summer  of  1917,  Professor  van  Helten's  explanation  of  the  dif- 
ferentiation between  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive  as  subject  in  Dutch  and  in  Old  High  German  tallies 
in  the  large  with  that  offered  by  me  for  West-Saxon  and  for  Old 
High  German  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saron,  pp.  20-26,  232, 
and  in  the  present  section  suggested  for  the  Northumbrian  as 
represented  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels.  Says  Professor  van 
Helten:  "  Gelijk  vanzelf  spreekt,  is  hier  aan  de  onbep.  wijs 
zonder  te  het  praedicat  van  oorspronkelijkheid  toe  te  kennen. 
Het  gerundium  kan  niet  anders  zijn  dan  het  product  eener 
navolging,  als  wier  hoofzakelijke  factor  zonder  twijfel  mag 
worden  aangemerkt  de  bekende  neiging  der  Germ,  dialecten  om 
in  verloop  van  tijd  steeds  meer  en  meer  den  oorspronk.  enkelen 
infin.  door  dien  met  te  te  vervangen.  Hoofdzakelijke,  zei  ik; 
want  in  een  bepaald  geval  is  de  wijziging  der  woordvoeging 
langs  een  anderen  weg  en  reeds  tamelijk  vroeg  tot  stand  ge- 
komen,  t.  w.  in  zinnen,  welke  een  adject,  met  een  begrip  '  (niet) 
geschikt,  nuttig,  gemakkelijk  '  als  gezegde  bevatten:  bij  ver- 
binding van  zulk  een  bijv.  nw.  met  een  nomen  als  subject  was 
naturlijk  het  gebruik  van  een  gerundium  als  bepaling  van  't 


The  Infinitive  101 

adject,  de  van  rechtswege  vereischte  constructie,  als  b.  v.  in  't 
Olid.  '  sin  gisiuni  ist  uns  zi  sehanne  urgilo  swar,'  O.  4,  24,  16 ; 
'  hwedar  ist  gazelira  za  quedanna  ? '  Erg.  th.  3,  14 ;  '  wedar  ist 
odira  zi  quedanne?  '  Tat.  54,  6;  '  dhazs  izs  widharzuomi  .  .  . 
ist  eomanne  zi  chilaubanne ,'  Is.  cap.  3,  §  3 ;  bij  koppeling  van  't 
bijv.  nw.  met  een  infin.  als  onderwerp  was  daarentegen  oorspr. 
alleen  de  onbep.  w.  zonder  praepositie  op  haar  plaats,  als  in  't 
Ohd  '  guot  ist  thir  zi  libe  ingangen  wanaheilan  odo  halgan,' 
Tat.  95,  4 ;  '  mir  ist  guot  ze  gote  haften,'  1ST.  Ps.  72,  28 ;  '  wieo 
guot  ist  sament  puen,'  ib.  132,  1 ;  door  verwarring  der  beide 
constructies,  d.  i.  ten  gevolge  van  den  invloed,  door  de  eerste  op 
de  laatste  uitgeofend,  had  zich  intusschen  een  woordvoeging 
ontwikkeld,  gelijk  we  waarnemen  in :  '  guot  ist  uns  hir  zi  we- 
sanne/  Tat.  91,  2 ;  'ist  huot  ze  sagenne  dina  gnada,'  N.  Ps.  91, 
3 ;  '  unodi  ist  iz  harto  .  .  .  thia  kleini  al  zi  sagenne/  O.  5,  14, 
3  ;  '  iu  ist  unnuzze  fore  tage  uf  ze  stanne/  ~N.  Ps.  126,  2  ;  '  nist 
biderbi  zi  gihiwenne/  Tat.  100,  5 ;  enz. ;  vgl.  ook.  O.  S.  '  god 
is  it  her  te  ivesanne,'  Hel.  3138." 

Concerning  the  Subjective  Infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  231-233. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  passive  infinitive  proper,  that  is,  of  the  infinitive 
made  up  of  bia(n)  (wosa)  plus  a  past  participle,  in  the  subjec- 
tive use,  I  have  found  no  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
At  times,  however,  as  stated  above  in  the  discussion  of  the  voice 
of  the  subjective  infinitives,  an  active  infinitive  seems  to  be 
passive  in  sense.  Occasionally  the  Latin  passive  infinitive  is 
turned  by  a  passive  finite  verb,  as  in  L.  17.25 :  serist  uutedlice 
gehrised  him  feolo  geSrouia  uel  geSolia  &  dcette  he  se  forcwnen 
from  cneoreso  Sasum  =  Primum  autem  oportet  ilium  multa 
pati  et  reprobari  a  generatione  hac.  But  more  frequently  we 
find  that,  by  some  sort  of  periphrasis,  the  Latin  passive  infini- 
tive is  turned  by  a  Lindisfarne  infinitive  that  is  active  in  sense 
as  well  as  in  form:  see  above,  pp.  94-95. 


102  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

NOTES 

1.  The  Subjective  Infinitive  in  a  Series. — In  the  follow- 
ing passages  we  have  a  series  of  infinitives  in  which  the  first  is 
inflected,  but  the  succeeding  is  not:  Mat.  23.23a>b,  quoted  on 
p.  96  above;  Mat.  15.26'a>b;  Mh.  7.27a>b;  and  L.  15.32a>b.  In 
L.  11.42a>b,  each  of  the  two  infinitives  is  inflected.  It  seems 
unnecessary  to  give  the  series  in  which  each  infinitive  is  unin- 
fected. 

2.  The  Subjective  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Clause  in 
Mat.  14.16 :  cueS  .  .  .  ned  is  dcet  hia  gegae  uel  darf  is  him  to 
geonganne  =  dixit  .  .  .  necesse  ire;  and  in  L.  8.10,  13.14. 

3.  The  Choice  between  an  Uninfected  Infinitive  and  an 
Inflected  Infinitive  is  occasionally  given,  as  in  Mat.  I.  2.14: 
of  Sami  wutetlice  ne  in  aldum  gehrine  uel  see  sefter  unseofunti- 
gvm  trahteras  uel  recceras  eftniwige  uel  girihte  hwset  scean  ne 
in  niwe  for  senig  wees  sengum  to  boetanne  uel  to  rihtanna?  uel 
giboeta  =  quibus  utique  nee  in  ueteri  instrumento  post  septua- 
ginta  interpretes  emendare  quid  licuit  nee  in  nouo  profuit 
emendasse. 

II.     THE  OBJECTIVE  INFINITIVE 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 
1.     With  Active  Finite  Verb 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels, 
the  active  infinitive  as  the  Object  of  an  active  verb  is  more 
commonly  uninflected  than  inflected,  the  proportion  being  129 
to  32  (or  157  to  37  including  the  "  Introductions  ")  in  the 
former  and  94  to  20  in  the  latter. 

The  objective  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form,  whether  unin- 
flected or  inflected,  is  almost  without  exception  active  in  sense, 
I  believe.  In  the  two  following  passages,  the  active  druncniga 
translates  a'  Latin  passive  infinitive,  and  is  probably  passive  in 
sense: — Mat.  14.30:  mi(5<5y  ongann  uel  ongunne  druncnia  uel 
gedrince  =  cum  coepisset  mergeri;  L.  12.45e:  onginneS  mi(5(5y 
slaa  (5a  ensehtas  &  Siuwas  &  aetta  &  drinca  &  druncgnia  uel 


The  Infinitive  103 

Saette  se  druncenig  =  coeperit  percutere  pueros  et  ancillas  el 
edero  et  bibere  et  inebriari.     Usually,  however,  although  trans- 
lating a  Latin  passive  infinitive  (or  occasionally  a  gerundive 
that  is  passive  in  sense),  the  Lindisfarne  objective  infinitive 
that  is  active  in  form  is  also  active  in  sense,  as  in  Mat.  19.7a'b: 
hwset  forSon — [=  blank]    behead  sella  boc  freodomas  &  for- 
leta  ?  =  quid    ergo    moses    mandauit    dart   librum    repudii    et 
dimittere  ?  Mat.  I.  20.1 :  biddendum  sealla  of  heofnum  becen  = 
petentibus  dari  de  caelo  signum;  Mat.  I.   17.113:  ne  synngige 
gelcerde  hates  =  non  moechandum  docens  iubet;  Mk.   10.49: 
geheht    hine    ceiga  =  praecepit    ilium   uocari;   L.    12.39:    ne 
walde  leta  d'erhlidelfa  hus  his  =  non  sineret  perfodi  domum 
suam; — L.  23. 2b:  Siosne  woe  gemitton  .  .  .  forbeadende  uel 
woerdende  gsefelo  to  seallanne  uel  (Saette  se  gesald  Ssem  caseri  = 
hunc  inuenimus  .  .  .  prohibentem  tributa  dari  caesari ;  etc., 
etc.    In  passages  like  these,  of  which  there  are  numerous  exam- 
ples, some  scholars  may  prefer  to  consider  that  the  infinitive 
here  is  predicative,  and  that  the  accusative,  instead  of  being, 
as  I  believe,  the  object  of  the  infinitive,  is  its  subject.     They 
would,  of  course,  consider  the  infinitive  passive  in  sense,  though 
active  in  form.     Against  this  sort  of  interpretation  in  West- 
Saxon  I  have  urged  what  seemed   (and  seem)    to  me  cogent 
reasons  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  29-30 ;  and  these 
reasons,  on  the  whole,  seem  to  me  to  apply  equally  well  to  this 
idiom  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.     The  only  noteworthy  differ- 
ence is  this:  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  the  accusative  usually 
precedes  the  infinitive,  whereas  in  the  West-Saxon  translations 
it  usually  follows  the  infinitive.     But,  as  the  Lindisfarne  Gos- 
pels is  an  interlinear  gloss,  we  expect,  as  we  find,  that  the  posi- 
tion of  the  Old  English  accusative  will  be  identical  with  that 
in  the  Latin  original.     Hence  the  position  of  the  accusative  in 
the  gloss  is  not  significant,  although  in  the  West-Saxon  transla- 
tions it  is,  I  think,  highly  significant,  as  I  have  tried  to  show 
in  the  discussion  above  referred  to.  Concerning  the  voice  of  the 
objective  infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  sec  Note 
8  below  and  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon ,  p.  333. 


104  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

I.     The  Uninflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  object  with 
the  following  verbs : —  12 

beginna  (1),  begin  (W.  S.:  U.  and  L). 

bidda  (2),  invite  (W.  S. :  U.  and  L). 

bodia  (1),  announce  (W.  S. :  I.  only). 

cwoeSa  (4),  say  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

eawa  (1),  show  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

foregehata  (1),  order  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

forgeafa  (2),  allow  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

gearwiga  (1),  attempt  (W.  S.:  lacking). 

geblinna  (1),  cease  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  simplex,  blin- 
nan,  has  U.  only). 

gehata  (7),  order  (W.  S. :  same,  but  gehatan,  'promise,' 
takes  I.  only). 

gelsera  (1),  teach  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  simplex,  Iceran, 
has  T.  only). 

gelefa  (4),  allow  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  simpler,  liefan, 
has  I.  only). 

gewiga  (1)  (=  giwiga),  demand  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

gewil(l)niga  (2),  wish  (W.  S. :  IT.  and  I.;  see  wil(l)niga 
in  III  below). 

hata  (7),  order  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

inginna  (1),  begin  (W.  S. :  lacking;  but  see  aginna  in  II 
below  and  onginna  in  III  below). 

leta  (2),  allow  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

oncnawa  (2),  know  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

woena  (1),  ween,  think  (W.  S. :  IT.  and  I.). 

WUta  (4),  know  (W.  S. :  I.  only). 

Typical  examples  are : — 

Mat.  I.  19. 6b:  becon  biddendum  Tones  becon  sella  bodade  uel 
ssegde  =  Pharisaeis  signum  petentibus  ionse  signum  dari 
prwdicit. 

Mat.  I.  19.4b,  5 :  cued  ebalsung  in  halig  gast  ne  forletta  .  .  . 

12  The  figure  in  parenthesis  with  each  verb  indicates  the  number  of  its 
occurences  in  this  construction.  For  the  sake  of  comparison,  I  give  in 
succeding  parentheses  the  construction  of  each  verb  in  West-Saxon. 


The  Infinitive  105 

A:  rehtnisse  of  word  idlum  in  dsege  domes  forgelda  =  dicens 
blasphemiam  in  sanctum  spiritum  non  remitti  .  .  .  et  rationem 
de  uerbo  otioso  in  diem  iudicii  reddi. 

Mat.  27.64:  gehat  forSon  gehalda  uel  Saette  sie  gehalden 
byrgenn  =  tube  ergo  custodiri  sepulchrum. — Mat.  I.  16.9a: 
hreunisse  gedo  uel  gewyrce  hates  =  penitentiam  agere  iubens. — 
Mat.  7.11 :  wutas  ge  godo  gesealla  sinrnm  iurum  ?  =  nostis  bona 
dare  filiis  uestris  ? 

IT.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  only  is  found  as  the  object  of 
the  following  verbs : —  13 

aginna  (1),  begin  (W.  S. :  IT.  and  I. ;  see  beginna  in  I  above 
and  onginna  in  III  below). 

forbeada  (1),  forbid  (W.  S. :  TJ.  and  I.;  see  bebeada  in  III 
below). 

gesoeca  (1),  seek  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  simplex,  secan, 
has  U.  and  I. ;  see  soeca  in  III). 

getella  (1),  compute  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  simplex, 
tellan,  has  I.  only). 

hyhta  (2),  hope  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  compound,  gehyh- 
tan,  has  I.  only). 

sella  (1),  give  (W.  S.:  U.  and  I.). 

(5afiga  (1),  allow  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  compound,  ge- 
dafian,  has  TJ.  and  I.). 

The  following  are  typical  examples: — 

L.  11.38:  Sonne  agann  bituih  him  getalade  to  cooed anne  = 
pharisaeus  an  tern  coepit  intra  se  reputans  dicere. 

L.  6.34:  gif  huerf  gie  sellas  Ssem  from  Ssem  gie  hyhtad  to 
onfoane  =  si  mutuum  dederitis  his  a  quibus  speratis  accipere. 

L.  22.5 :  dafando  woeron  feh  him  to  seallanne  uel  geseal- 
lanne  =  pacti  sunt  pecuniam  illi  dare. 

III.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infinitive 
are  each  found  as  the  object  with  the  following  verbs: —  14 

13  See  the  footnote  to  page  104. 

"See  the  footnote  to  page  104.  In  this  section  the  first  figure  stands 
for  the  uninflected  infinitive;    the  second,  for  the  inflected  infinitive. 


106  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

bebeada  (6  and  1),  order  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

eftongeata  15  (1),  recognize  (W.  S. :  lacking,  but  the  sim- 
plex, ongietan,  has  I.  only) . 

habba  (3  and  1),  have  (W.  S. :  I.  only). 

laera  (2  and  1),  teach  (W.  S. :  I.  only). 

ondreda  (1  and  2),  fear  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

onginna  (84  and  3),  begin  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

onsacca  (2  and  1),  refuse  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

soeca  (6  and  18),  seek  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

wil(l)niga  (5  and  2),  wish  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

The  following  will  serve  as  examples :- — 

Mat.  19.7a>b:  hiuet  for-Son— [  =  blank]  behead  sella  boc 
freodomaes  &  forleta?  =  quid  ergo  moses  mandauit  dari  librum 
repudii  et  dimittere? — L.  I.  7.12a>b'c:  (5cgnum  behead  &  from 
dserstum  esuicnise  to  behaldane  &  (5a  (5a(5e  lichoma  acuellas  ne 
scyniga  ne  Sset  in  oehtnise  husetd  (sic)  hia  wero  sprecendo 
geMencce  =  Discipulis  prcecepit  et  a  fermento  hypocrisis  cauere 
et  eos  qui  corpus  occidunt  non  metuere  nee  in  persecutione  quid 
locuturi  sint  cogitare. 

J.  8.26a'b:  feolo  ic  hafo  of  iuih  spreca  uel  to  sprecane  & 
doema  =  multa  habeo  de  nobis  loqui  et  iudicare. — L.  14.14: 
eadig  (5u  hist  forSon  hia  ne  habhad  eft  to  seallanne  (5e  =  beatus 
eris  quia  non  habent  retribuere  tibi. 

Mat.  I.  17.4a,  5 :  nsefrse  gesueriga  laeres  ne  .  .  .  suiga  wifi- 
stonda  =  omnino  iurare  docet  nee  .  .  .  mutnare  uolenti  re- 
sistere. — L.  I.  6.11 :  eSmodnise  leered  &  ne  to  forbeadane  maehto 
on  his  noma  doende  =  humilitatem  docet  et  non  prohiberi 
nirtutes  in  ipsius  nomine  facientem. 

Mat.  2.22 :  ondreard  Sider  fara  uel  to  fceranne  =  timuit 
illnc  ire. — Mat.  1.20:  nelle  Su  <5e  ondrede  uel  forht  bian  to 
onfoanne  maria  =  noli  timere  accipere  mariam. 

Mat.  4.17a>b:  ongann  .  .  .  bodage  &  cuoecfa  =  coepit  .  .  . 
praedicare  et  dicere. — Mk.  13.4:  Sonne  Sas  alle  onginnad  to 

15  An  alternative  rendering  with  an  inflected  infinitive  is  given  in  the 
only  passage  in  which  this  verb  occurs  in  this  use. 


The  Infinitive  107 

endanne  uel  Satte  hia  se  geendado  =  quando  haec  omnia  incip- 
ient consummari. — L.  19.37b:  ongunnon  alle  <5a  menigo  ofsti- 
gendra  gefeadon  uel  gefeande  to  herganno  god  =  coeperunt 
omnes  tnrbae  discendentiuin  gaudentes  laud-are  deum. — L. 
21.28b:  (5a?m  &  (sic  for  uel?)  (5as  uutedlice  to  wosanne  ongin- 
nendum  =  his  autem  fieri  incipientibus. 

Mk.  I.  3.19b: — [blank]  becon  uel  tacon  soecendimi  sealla 
onsoc  =  Pharisaeis  signnm  quaerentibus  dari  negat. — Mk.  I. 
1.15:  ne  onsoce  uel  nalde  onsacca  soSSa  to  tellanne  uel  to 
clcensanne  him  =  negaret  denique  amputasse  sibi. 

L.  5.18b,c:  sohton  hine  gebrenge  &  gesette  fora  hine  =  quaere- 
bant  eum  inferre  et  ponere  ante  eum. — Mat.  21.46 :  sohton  hine 
to  haldanne  ondreardon  (5a  menigo  =  et  quaerentes  eum  tenere 
timuerunt  turbas. 

L.  23.20 :  willnade  forleta  Sone  hselend  =  uolens  dimittere 
iesum. — L.  22.15:  willum  ic  wilnade  Sis  eostro  gebrucca  uel  to 
eattanne  huh  miS  =  desiderio  desideraui  hoc  pascha  manducare 
uobiscum. — L.  23. 8b  ivces  forSon  willnande  of  menigo  tid  to  ge- 
seanne  hine  =  erat  enim  cupiens  ex  multo  tempore  uidere  eum. 

The  complete  statistics  of  the  active  infinitive  as  the  Object 
of  active  verbs  follow  (IT. :  157,  of  which  28  are  in  the  "  Intro- 
ductions "  ;  I. :  37,  of  which  5  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

aginna,  begin:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  11.38. 

bebeada,  command:  U.  (6):  Mat.  (2):  19.7a>b— 1/X\  (1): 
8.6(?).— L.  (3):  I.  6.18;  I.  7.12b,  13»— I.  (1):  L.  (1):  I. 
7.12a. 

beginna,  begin:  U.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  3.8.— I.  (0). 

bidda,  request:  U.  (2)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  20.1.— L.  (1)  :  I.  9.5. 
—I.  (0). 

bodiga,  announce,  declare:  U.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  19.6b. — 
I.  (0). 

CWOeSa,  say,  declare:  U.  (4)  :  Mat.  (3)  :  I.  19.3b;  I.  19.4b, 
5.—Mk.  (1):  5.43a.— I.  (0). 

eawa,  show:  U.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  3.7.--I.  (0). 

eftongeata,  recognize:  U.   (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  15.4a  (inter- 


108  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

changing  here  with  an  inflected  infinitive). — I.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  : 
I.  15.4a. 

forbeada,  forbid:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  23.2f. 

foregehata,  order,  command:  U.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  20.16c. 
—I.  (0). 

forgeafa,  allow,  permit:  U.  (2) :  Mat.  (1)  :  19.8.— L.  (1) : 
9.59.— I.  (0). 

gearwiga,  attempt,  seek:  U.  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  I.  8.13a(  ?).  Pro- 
fessor Cook  makes  forcuoede  "  opt.  pret.  3rd  sg.,"  as  is  possible ; 
but  I  take  it  to  be  a  scribal  error  for  forcuoede. — I.  (0). 

geblinna,  cease:  U.  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  5.4.— I.  (0). 

gehata,  order,  command:  U.  (7)  :  Mat.  (5)  :  I.  20. 9b;  8.18 ; 
14.9;  27.58,  64.— Mk.  (2):  6.27;  10.49.— I.  (0). 

gelaera,  teach:  U.  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  17.1b.— I.  (0). 

gelefa,  allow,  permit:  U.  (4):  Mat.  (1):  24.43.— L.  (3): 
4.41c;  8.32b;  9.61.— I.  (0). 

gesoeca,  seek:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  J.  (1):  11.8. 

getella,  compute,  reckon:  U.  (0). — I.  (1):  L.  (1) : 
14.28b(?). 

gewiga  (for  giwiga),  demand,  request:  U.  (1):  J.  (1)  : 
I.  6.17a.— I.  (0). 

gewil(l)niga,  wish,  desire:  U.  (2):  Mat.  (2):  13.17a>b  — 
I.   (0). 

habba,  have:  U.  (3):  /.  (3)  8.26a>b;  16.12.— I.  (1):  L. 
(1):  14.14. 

hata,  order,  command:  U.  (7)  :  Mat.  (4)  :  I.  1.11 ;  I.  16.9a; 
T.  17.2:  T.  20.13.— Mk.  (1):  8.7.— L.  (2):  8.55a;  19.15.— 
I.  (0). 

hyhta,  hope:  U.  (0).— I.  (2)  :  L.  (2) :  6.34;  22.8C. 

inginna,  begin:  U.  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  14.9.— I.  (0). 

lsera,  teach,  instruct:  U.  (2):  Mat.  (2):  I.  17.4a,  5.— I. 
(1):  L.  (1):  T.  6.11. 

leta,  let,  allow:  U.  (2)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  1.34a—  L.  (1) :  12.39.— 
I.  (0). 

oncnawa,  know:  U.  (2) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  2.3(  ?) ;  I.  2.4(  ?).— 
I.  (0). 


The  Infinitive  109 

ondreda,  dread,  fear:  U.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  2.22.— I.  (2): 
Mat.  (1):  1.20.— L.  (1):  9.45. 

onginna,  begin:  U.  (85) :  Mat.  (16)  :  I.  7.10 ;  4.17a>b ;  11.7a, 
20;  12.1a>b;  14.30;  16.21;  18.24a;  24.49;  26.22b,  37b>c,  74a»b. 
— Mk.  (36):  I.  1.10a;  1.45a>b;  2.23;  4.1;  5.17,  18;  6.2,  7, 
34,  55;  8.11a,  25,  31a,  32;  10.32,  41,  47a>b;  11.15;  12.1;  13.5; 
14.19a>b,  33a>b,  65a>b>c>d,  69,  71a>b,  72;  15.8,  18.— L.  (30): 
4.21;  5.21a;  7.15,  24a,  38,  49:  9.12;  11.29b,  53a>b;  12.1b, 
45b,c,d,e.  I3.25a>b;  26;  14.18,  29,  30b;  15.14,  24,  28;  19.45; 
20.9;  21.7b;  22.23;  23.2a,  30.— J.  (3) :  4.47;  13.5a>b.— I.  (3) : 
Mk.  (1)  :  13.4.— L.  (2)  :  19.37b;  21.28b. 

onsacca,  refuse,  deny:  U.  (2)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  3.19b—  L.  (1) : 
I.  8.8a.  Professor  Cook  considers  gescilde  here  "  ind.  pret.  3rd 
sg.,"  as  is  possible,  but  I  take  it  to  be  an  infinitive. — I.  (1) : 
Mk.  (1):  T.  1.15. 

sella,  give:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  5.26. 

SOeca,  seek:  U.  (6) :  L.  (3) :  5.18b>c;  17.33.—/.  (3)  :  8.37; 
10.39;  19.12a  —  I.  (18):  Mat.  (1):  21.46.— Mk.  (1):  12.12. 
—L.  (7):  6.19;  9.9;  11.54;  13.24b;  19.3,  47;  20.19.—/.  (9)  : 
I.  5.3b;  I.  5.5b;  5.18a;  7.1,  19,  20,  25,  30;  8.40. 

Safiga,  consent,  agree:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  L.  (1):  22.5. 

wil(l)niga,  wish,  desire:  U.  (5):  Mat.  (1):  12.38. — L. 
(2):  17.22;  23.20.—/.  (2):  I.  6.14b;  7.44.— I.  (2):  L.  (2): 
22.15;  23.8b. 

woena,  ween,  think:  U.  (1) :  J.  (1)  :  5.39. — I.  (0). 

WUta,  know:  U.  (4)  :  Mat.  (2) :  7.11 ;  16.3.— L.  (2)  :  11.13, 
12.56.— I.  (0). 

2.     With  Passive  Verbs 

The  active  infinitive  as  the  retained  object  of  passive  verbs 
occurs  about  six  times  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  Of  these  six 
infinitives,  two  are  inflected. 

The  following  examples  are  typical : — 

L.  I.  7.10a:  mi(5  rclarua  gehriordage  gebeden  wees  =  Apud 
pharisaeum  prandere  rogatus. 

J.  I.  8.4 :  gehaten  is  Segnum  gesaeccanne  =  iubetur  discipu- 
lis  nuntiare. 


110  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

The  complete  statistics  of  the  active  infinitive  as  the  object 
of  passive  verbs  are  as  follows  (IT. :  4,  all  in  the  "  Introduc- 
tions " ;  I. :  2,  of  which  1  is  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

(ge)bidda,  invite:  U.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  7.10a  — I.  (0). 

(ge)hata,  order,  command:  U.  (0). — I.  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  I.  8.4. 

(ge)lefa,  allow,  permit:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  12.4 
(see  Xote  6  at  the  end  of  this  section). 

(ge)neda,  compel:  U.  (1) :  Mat  (1)  :  I.  7.3a  (or  Consecu- 
tive?).—I.  (0). 

(ge)Sreatiga,  compel,  force:  U.  (2):  Mat.  (2):  I.  6.19; 
I.  7.2  (or  Consecutive  in  each  example?). — I.  (0). 

DIFFERENTIATION    OF    THE    TWO    INFINITIVES 

The  Differentiation  between  the  Two  Infinitives  as  Object  in 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  appears  to  rest  upon  the  same  general 
principle  as  in  West-Saxon:  the  uninilected  infinitive  usually 
appears  to  the  modern  Englishman  as  a  direct  object,  and  is 
oftenest  found  with  verbs  whose  noun  object  would  be  in  the 
accusative  case.  On  the  other  hand,  the  inflected  infinitive,  as 
a  rule,  appears  to  the  modern  mind  as  an  "  indirect  object," 
under  which  phrase  are  included  genitive  (occasionally  also 
instrumental)  objects  as  well  as  dative  objects,  and  is  usually 
found  after  verbs  whose  noun  objects  would  be  in  the  genitive 
or  the  dative  (occasionally  in  the  instrumental).  The  double 
construction  of  uninflected  infinitive  and  inflected  infinitive  is 
usually  due  to  the  double  regimen  of  the  governing  verb,  as  I 
have  sought  to  show  is  true  in  West-Saxon.16  As  my  parallel 
columns  above  show,  not  a  few  apparent,  if  not  real,  divergences 
from  the  West-Saxon  custom  appear  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
But  these  divergences  do  not  seem  to  me  in  any  appreciable 
degree  to  invalidate  the  general  principle  stated.  The  chief 
divergences  consist  in  the  fact  that,  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
some  verbs  {heginna,  bidda,  gewilniga)  have  the  uninflected 
infinitive  only  as  object,  or  some  verbs  {aginna,  forbeada,  (ge)- 

16  See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  60-71. 


The  Infinitive  111 

soeca,  and  Safiga)  have  the  inflected  infinitive  only  as  object, 
whereas  in  each  group  in  West-Saxon  these  verbs  are  found 
with  both  infinitives  as  object.  But,  as  in  almost  every  one  of 
these  instances  the  objective  infinitive  is  found  only  once  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  divergence  may  arise,  not  from  a  dif- 
ference of  idiom,  but  from  paucity  of  texts  in  the  Northumbrian 
dialect.  Again,  the  objective  infinitives  (whether  uninflected 
or  inflected)  that  occur  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  but  not  in 
West-Saxon,  seem  to  me  in  the  large  to  conform  to  the  general 
principle  stated  above.  Moreover,  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels, 
with  the  more  numerously  recorded  objective  infinitives,  of 
whichever  variety,  the  usage  is  almost  identical  with  that  in 
Anglo-Saxon.  I  believe,  therefore,  that,  despite  the  number  of 
divergences  between  the  objective  infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  and  in  West-Saxon,  some  of  which  may  be  due  to  anal- 
ogy and  some  to  the  lateness  of  the  text,  no  one  will  find  in  these 
divergences  any  ground  for  questioning  the  essential  correctness 
of  the  general  principle  above  laid  down  as  explaining  the  use 
of  the  one  infinitive  or  the  other.  On  the  contrary,  I  believe 
that  the  evidence  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  strengthens  the 
theory  that  was  originally  based  on  West-Saxon  texts  only.- 

ORIGIN  OF  THE   IDIOM 

Owing  to  the  small  number  of  verbs  occurring  more  than 
once  or  twice  with  the  Objective  Infinitive,  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospel  throws  little  light  on  the  Origin  of  the  idiom.  So  far  as 
the  evidence  goes,  however,  it  seems  to  me  to  tend  to  confirm 
the  general  results  obtained  for  West-Saxon  in  The  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  185-192.  Of  the  verbs  having  only  the  unin- 
flected infinitive  as  object,  listed  on  p.  104  above,  only  two 
(gehata,  '  order,'  and  hata,  '  order  ')  occur  over  a  half  dozen 
times ;  and  with  these  the  usage  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is 
identical  with  that  in  West-Saxon,  in  each  of  which  the  idiom 
seems  native.  The  Latin  correspondents  for  gehata  are  an 
objective  infinitive  active,  1 ;  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusa- 
tive subject,  6;  for  hata:  an  objective  infinitive,  3  (active,  2; 


112  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

passive,  1)  ;  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  4. 
Of  the  verbs  having  only  the  inflected  infinitive  as  object,  only 
one  occurs  over  a  single  time,  and  that  only  twice  (hyhta, 
'  hope  ') — a  basis  too  slender  upon  which  to  base  a  theory.  Of 
the  verbs  having  as  object  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and 
the  inflected  infinitive,  only  the  following  occur  over  a  half 
dozen  times :  bebeada,  i  order  ' ;  onginna,  '  begin  ' ;  soeca, 
1  seek';  and  wil{l)niga,  l  wish.'  The  usage  with  each  is  iden- 
tical with  that  in  West-Saxon,  and  the  objective  use  with  each 
seemed  native  in  West-Saxon  for  reasons  stated  in  the  discussion 
referred  to  above.  The  Lindisfarne  evidence  seems  to  me  con- 
firmatory of  that  conclusion.  The  Latin  correspondents  for 
these  words  respectively  are: — for  bebeada:  U. :  an  objective 
infinitive,  active,  5  ;  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject, 
1 ; — I. :  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  1 ; — for  onginna:  U. :  an 
objective  infinitive  (active,  82;  passive,  2),  84;  a  final  infini- 
tive, 1 ; — I. :  an  objective  infinitive  (active,  2  ;  passive,  1),  3  ; — 
soeca: — U. :  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  6; — I.:  an  objective 
infinitive,  active,  18; — wil(l)niga: — U. :  an  objective  infini- 
tive, active,  5  ; — I. :  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  2.  The 
active  infinitive  as  the  retained  object  is  due  to  Latin  influence, 
seldom  occurring  except  when  the  Latin  original  has  the  same 
idiom.  For  the  active  objective  infinitive  as  a  whole,  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  Latin  correspondents  are  as  follows : — 

(1)  with  active  verbs: — U. :  an  objective  infinitive,  138  (active, 
130;  passive,  8)  ;  a  passive  infinitive  with  accusative  subject, 
18;  a  gerundive  without  esse  and  passive  in  sense,  1; — I.:  an 
objective  infinitive,  34  -(active,  33  ;  passive,  1)  ;  a  passive  infini- 
tive with  accusative  subject,  2 ;  a  noun  in  the  accusative,  1 ; — 

(2)  with  passive  verbs: — TJ. :  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  as 
retained  object  of  a  passive  verb,  3 ;  a  subjunctive,  active,  1 ; — 
I. :  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  as  the  retained  object  of  a 
passive  verb,  1 ;  a  subjective  infinitive,  active,  1. 

For  the  Objective  Infinitive  in  the  other  Germanic  languages, 
see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  233-236,  and  the  articles 
on  the  Infinitive  in  Dutch  by  Professor  W.  L.  van  Helten,  cited 
in  my  "  Bibliography." 


The  Infinitive  113 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  strictly  passive  infinitive  (that  is,  the  infinitive  made 
up  of  bia(n)  {wosa)  plus  a  past  participle)  as  the  object  of  a 
verb,  I  have  found  no  clear  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
Usually  the  Latin  passive  infinitive  is  rendered  by  an  active 
infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  illustrated  above,  pp. 

102-103. 

i 

NOTES 

1.  The  Objective  Infinitive  in  a  Series. — In  the  following 
we  have  a  series  of  two  or  more  objective  infinitives  the  first  of 
which  is  inflected,  but  the  succeeding  ones  are  not: — L.  I. 
7.12a>b,  13a:  (5egnum  behead  &  from  dserstum  esuicnise  to  be- 
haldane  &  (5a  (5a(5e  lichoma  acuellas  ne  scyniga  ne  (5aet  in  oeht- 
nise  huaetd  (sic)  hia  wero  sprecendo  gedenco?  =  Discipulis 
praecepit  et  a  fermento  hypocrisis  cauere  et  eos  qui  corpus  occi- 
dunt  non  metuere  nee  in  persecutione  quid  locuturi  sint  cogi- 
tare. — I  do  not  give  here  the  series  in  which  each  infinitive  is 
uninflected. 

2.  The  Choice  between  an  Uninfected  Infinitive  and  an 
Inflected  Infinitive  is  given  at  times,  as  in  the  following: — L. 
22.15:  willum  ic  wilnade  Sis  eostro  gebrucca  uel  to  eattanne 
iuih  miS  =  desiderio  desideraui  hoc  pascha  manducare  nobis- 
cum;  Mat.  I.  15.4:  eftongeattas  .  .  .  lufu  geworden  Sing 
gesella  uel  to  sellanne  =  recognoscant  .  .  .  fidem  f actae  rei 
tradere;  Mat.  2.22:  ondreard  Sider  fara  uel  to  fceranne  = 
timuit  illuc  ire;  MJc.  1.34a:  nalde  leta  spreca  hia  uel  ne  lefde 
hia  to  spreccanne  =  non  sinebat  loqui  ea;  L.  21.7b:  mi(5(5y  ge- 
worda  uel  Ssette  sie  uel  to  wosanne  onginnad  =  cum  fiieri  incip- 
ient; J.  8.26a:  feola  ic  hafo  of  iuih  spreca  uel  to  sprecanne  17  & 
doema  =  multa  habeo  de  uobis  loqui  et  iudicare;  J.  16.12 :  gett 
uel  forSor  menigo  uel  feolo  ic  hafo  iuh  gecuoeda  uel  to  scegc- 
ganne  17  =  adhuc  multa  habeo  uobis  dicere;  J.  8.37:  ah  gie 

"  The  infinitives  may  depend  on  the  substantive  rather  than  the  verb : 
see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  43. 

8 


114  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

soecas  mee  gecearfa  uel  to  accuellanne  =  sed  quaeritis  me  inter- 
ficere;  J.  10.39:  ib. 

3.  An  Interchange  of  Objective  Infinitive  and  of  Objective 
Clause  occurs  in  the  following: — Mat.  27.64:  gehat  forSon 
gehalda  uel  doette  sie  gehalden  byrgenn  =  iube  ergo  custodiri 
sepulchrum ;  Mk.  13.4,  quoted  above,  p.  106;  L.  9.59:  forgef 
uel  gelef  me  aerist  geonga  &  8a?t  ic  byrga  feeder  min  =  permitte 
mihi  primum  ire  et  sepelire  patrem  meum;  L.  21. 7b,  quoted 
above,  in  ISTote  2,  for  another  purpose;  L.  12.56 :  onsione  earSes 
.  .  .  wutad  gie  gecunnia  uel  (5sette  see  gecostad  =  faciem  terrae 
.  .  .  nostis  probare;  L.  12.45e,  quoted  above,  p.  102;  L.  23. 2b, 
quoted  on  p.  103  above. 

4.  .1  Lindisfarne  Noun  in  -Ing  (-Ung)  Translates  a  Latin 
Objective  Infinitive  in  L.  7.45:  ne  blann  cossetunges  foeta 
mine  =  non  cessauit  osculari  pedes  meos  (Rushw. :  lacking ; 
W.  S. :  ne  geswac  <5set  heo  mine  fet  ne  cyste).  See  JSFote  3  to 
Chapter  II,  p.  65,  for  Professor  Curme's  contention  that 
cossetunges  is  here  a  gerund,  and  that  foeta  is  its  accusative 
object.  See,  also,  Note  4  to  Section  xiii  of  the  present  chapter, 
for  an  example  of  an  inflected  infinitive  interchanging  with  a 
verbal  noun  in  -nes(s). 

5.  Infinitive  after  a  Finite  Verb  Passive  in  Form,  but 
Active  in  Sense. — In  the  following  passages  we  have  an  active 
infinitive  that  is  the  object  of  finite  verbs  that  are  passive  in 
form,  but  active  in  sense,  the  passive  forms  being  due  to  the 
glossator's  mistaking  the  Latin  deponent  verbs  for  passives: — 
(ge)cunniga,  '  attempt ' :  Mat.  I.  5.2  and  I.  5.9: — forgetta 
1  forget ' :  Mk.  S.14. — For  the  same  phenomenon  in  West-Saxon, 
see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  72. 

6.  A  Mixed  Construction  occurs  in  Mat.  12.4:  hlafas  .  .  . 
gebrec  <5a  neron  gelef ed  him  to  gebrucanne  =  panes  .  .  .  quos 
non  licebat  ei  edere.  We  seem  to  have  a  cross  between  the  sub- 
jective use  of  the  infinitive  (Sa  n-ces  gelef  ed  him  to  gebrucanne) 
and  the  normal  use  of  the  retained  objective  infinitive  (Sa  he 
nces  gelef  ed  to  gebrucanne).     Although  I  have  listed  to  ge- 


The  Infinitive  115 

brucanne  in  the  passage  under  discussion  as  an  imperfect  exam- 
ple of  the  retained  objective,  the  infinitive  might  be  considered 
as  denoting  purpose. 

7.  An  Inflected  Objective  Infinitive  without  "  To  "  occurs 
in  J.  I.  8.4,  quoted  on  p.  109  above. 

8.  The  Voice  of  the  Infinitive  in  Old  High  German. — A 
very  thoughtful  discussion  of  the  Voice  of  the  Infinitive  in  Old 
High  German  is  given  by  Dr.  Paulus  Kaufmann,  in  his  Leipzig 
dissertation,  Ueber  Genera  Verbi  im  Althochdeutschen  Be- 
sonders  bei  Isidor  und  Tatian,  Erlangen,  1912,  which  appeared 
subsequent  to  the  sending  of  The  Infinitive  m  Anglo-Saxon  to 
the  printer,  and  was  procured  by  me  only  recently.  As  its  title 
indicates,  this  dissertation  considers  the  voice  of  the  infinitive 
not  only  in  its  Objective  use,  but  in  all  the  uses  that  are  repre- 
sented in  the  texts  studied  by  its  author.  As  is  evident  from 
the  following  quotation  from  §  66  of  this  dissertation,  Dr.  Kauf- 
mann is  more  insistent  than  I  am  in  his  contention  against  the 
passive  rendering  of  a  Germanic  infinitive  that  is  active  in 
form:  "  Passive  Bedeutung  hat  der  Infinitiv  jedoch  niemals, 
wie  das  fiir  die  Falle  verschiedentlich  angenommen  wurde,  wo 
er  zur  Wiedergabe  von  lat.  passivem  Infinitiv  oder  lat.  Gerund- 
ivum  dient.  Es  ist  jedenfalls  ein  am  Lateinischen  ausgebildetes 
und  an  seinem  Formensystem  sich  orientierendes  Sprachgefuhl, 
das  hier  passives  Genus  Verbi  zu  empfinden  glaubt.  Die  Sache 
liegt  vielmehr  so,  dass  in  solchen  Fallen  der  deutsche  Infinitiv 
teils  activisch  und  teils  neutral  ist.  Danach  sind  die  Belege 
aus  Isidor  und  Tatian  in  zwei  Klassen  zu  sondern."  Many  of 
Dr.  Kaufmann's  neutral  infinitives,  given  in  his  §  68,  seem  to 
me  passive  in  sense,  as  in  Isidor  93.1:  filius  hominis  tradendus 
est  in  manus  hominum  =  mannes  sun  ist  zi  sellenne  in  hant 
manno. 

III.     OTHER  SUBSTANTIVAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE 

Of  Substantival  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  Other  than  as  Subject 
and  as  Object  only  a  very  few  examples  occur  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels. 


116  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

A.     As  a  Predicate  Nominative 

Of  the  infinitive  as  a  Predicate  Nominative  I  have  found  but 
two  examples,  the  first  one  of  which  is  doubtful,  the  finite  verb 
having  to  be  supplied  in  both  Latin  and  Northumbrian : — Mat. 
I.  1.4:  arwyrfte  were  uel  winn  ah  froecenlic  foreonfeng  uel 
dearfscip  sengum  to  doemenne  of  oSrum  =  pius  labor  sed  peri- 
culosa  praesumptio  iudicare  de  ceteris ; — J.  19.40 :  sua  Seau 
iuSeum  is  bebyrge  uel  bidelfa  =  sicut  mox  (sic  for  mos)  iudeis 
est  sepelire. 

In  one  of  these  examples,  the  infinitive  is  inflected,  probably 
because  of  its  proximity  to  a  datival  adjective  or  noun. 

The  examples  of  the  infinitive  as  a  predicate  nominative  are 
too  few  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  to  determine  the  origin  of 
the  idiom.  But  the  probability  is  that  the  idiom  is  partly  of 
native  origin  and  partly  of  foreign  origin,  the  reasons  for  which 
view  are  given  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  193. 

B.     As  an  Appositive 

Somewhat  more  frequent  is  the  use  of  the  infinitive  as  an 
Appositive  to  a  noun  or  pronoun.  In  this  use  the  infinitive  is 
usually  uninflected,  but  occasionally  it  is  inflected  owing  to  its 
proximity  to  a  dative-governing  adjective.  The  examples  in 
full  are  as  follows : — 

1.  Uninflected: 

Mat.  9.5a'b:  hucet  is  eabur  cuoeda  forgefon  bioon  (5e  synna 
uel  cueda  aris  ?  =  quid  est  f acilius  dicere  dimittuntur  tibi 
peccata  aut  dicere  surge  ? 

MJc.  2.9b:  Hwcet  is  eaSur  to  coeSanne  Ssem  eorScryple  for- 
gefen  bioon  oe  synno  uel  cuoeda  aris  ?  =  quid  est  f acilius  dicere 
paralitico  dimittantur  tibi  peccata  an  dicere  surge  ? 

L.  5.23a>b:  huoeder  is  eaoor  gecuoa?8a  forgefen  bioon  <5e 
synna  uel  cuoeda  aris  =  quid  est  facilius  dicere  dimittuntur 
peccata  an  dicere  surge  ? 

2.  Inflected: 

Mh.  2.9a,  already  quoted  above. 


The  Infinitive  117 

In  Mk.  2.9a'b  we  have  a  series  of  two  appositive  infinitives 
the  first  of  which,  in  proximity  to  a  dative-governing  adjective, 
eadur,  is  inflected,  but  the  second  is  not.  But,  in  Mat.  9.5a 
and  L.  5.23a,  the  infinitive,  though  next  to  eadur,  is  not  inflected. 

The  situation  in  the  West-Saxon  is  much  the  same  both  as  to 
the  infrequency  of  the  appositive  infinitive  and  as  to  the  inflec- 
tion of  the  same.     See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  75-77. 

For  reasons  stated  in  the  discussion  of  the  origin  of  the 
appositive  use  of  the  infinitive  in  West-Saxon,  it  is  probable 
that  the  idiom  is  partly  native  and  partly  foreign.  See  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  193. 

C.     As  the  Object  of  a  Preposition 

Aside  from  the  inflected  infinitive  made  up  of  the  preposition 
to  plus  a  dative  of  the  verbal  noun  in  -ne,  which  we  regard  as  a 
unit  and  which,  therefore,  does  not  strictly  fall  under  the  above 
heading,  I  have  found  a  few  cases  of  the  infinitive  used  as  the 
Object  of  a  Preposition.  In  all  the  examples  except  one,  the 
infinitive  is  inflected.     The  examples  in  full  are  as  follows: — 

1 .  Uninfl  ected : 

L.  I.  3.1 :  bodade  in  monnes  gecerrce  in  him  <5erh  sunu  dyde  — 
predicans  in  hominis  redire  in  se  per  filium  faceret. 

2.  Inflected: 

Mat.  I.  21.10:  gecunnedon  of  Seem  gaefel  uel  gyld  cseseres  to 
seallanne  ofer  inwurittena  uel  licnessa  miS  frasung  gefselde  = 
Temtantes  de  tributo  caesaris  dando  supra  inscribtionis  uel 
imaginis  interrogatione  destruxit. 

L.  I.  9.16:  gefraegn  Sone  weligo  from  to  oyenna  lif  ece  (5iu 
refterra  onsuare  unrod  gecearf  =  Interrogans  diues  de  possi- 
denda  uita  aeterna  secunda  responsione  tristis  abscidit. 

L.  I.  10.8  :  costende  of  gsefel  cseseres  to  forgeldanne  penninges 
onwriting  forcuom  =  Temtantes  de  tributo  caesaris  reddendo 
denarii  inscribtione  conuincit. 

L.  I.  9.12:  to  symble  biddanne  geddung  from  widua  setteS 
wraco  from  wiSernarde  his  from  unrehtwis  doeme  giwigende  ■= 


118  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

Ad  semper  orandum  parabolam  de  uidua  ponit  ultioneni  de 
aduersario  suo  ab  iniquo  iudice  postulante.  Although  we  have 
the  preposition  to  here  plus  a  dative  in  -ne,  the  two  words  do 
not,  I  think,  form  a  logical  nnit  as  in  the  ordinary  infinitive 
with  to. 

Although  some  of  the  above  examples  are  doubtful,  some  of 
the  infinitives  seem  to  me  indisputably  to  be  governed  by  a 
preposition.  In  all  of  the  examples,  the  use  of  the  preposition 
in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  is  in  imitation  of  the  idiom  in  the 
Latin  original.  Moreover,  the  differentiation  between  the  un- 
inflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  rests  upon  the 
differences  in  the  Latin  original :  in  the  former  the  Latin  has  a 
simple  infinitive;  in  the  latter,  a  gerund  or  gerundive,  usually 
the  latter. 

In  West-Saxon  no  clear  example  was  found  of  the  infinitive 
as  the  object  of  a  preposition :  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  p.  78. 

In  all  three  uses,  the  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  in- 
flected, is  active  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form. 

Concerning  the  Infinitive  in  Substantival  Uses  other  than  as 
subject  or  as  object,  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  236-237. 

IV.     THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  AUXILIARY  VERBS 

A.     The  Active  Infinitivi; 

As  in  West-Saxon,  the  uninflected  infinitive  as  the  Predica- 
tive Complement  to  Auxiliary  Verbs  is  so  frequent  in  the 
Lindisfame  Gospels  as  not  to  call  for  collection.  Except  in  very 
rare  cases,  cited  in  Note  1  below,  this  infinitive  is  active  in  sense 
as  well  as  in  form. 

Of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  the  predicative  complement  of 
auxiliary  verbs  I  cite  all  the  examples  observed  by  me  in  the 
Lindisfame  Gospels: — 

With  agan,  owe,  ought: 

Mat.  18.24b:  gebroht  waes  him  enne  seSe  ahte  to  geldanne  tea 


The  Infinitive  119 

Susendo  craeftas  =  oblatus  est  ei  unus  qui  debebat  decern  milia 
taleuta. 

Mat.  18.28a'b:  substantially  as  above. 

L.  7.41 :  an  ahte  to  geldanne  penningas  fit'  hund  =  unus 
debebat  denarios  quingentos. 

L.  16.5:  substantially  as  above. 

With  dear(r),  dare: 

Mat.  I.  1.9 :  godes  wracco  Se  ich  (sic)  darr  huelc  hwoego  in 
aldum  bocum  to  eccanne  uel  ic  toecade,  geswiga,  gegema  = 
sacrilegum  qui  audeam  aliquid  in  ueteribus  libris  addere, 
mutare,  corrigere. 

With  willa,  will,  desire  : 

Mat.  5.40:  Ssem  seSe  wil  Sec  miS  to  dome  geflitta  &  cyrtel 
uel  hra?gl  Sin  to  niomanne  forlet  &  hrsegl  uel  haecla  uel  bratt  = 
illi  qui  uult  tecum  iudicio  contendere  et  tunicam  tuam  tollere 
remitte  et  pallium. 

As  is  evident,  the  inflected  infinitive  occurs  chiefly  with  the 
datival  verb,  agan,  as  is  true,  also,  in  West-Saxon. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  passive  infinitive  used  predicatively  with  auxiliary 
verbs,  I  have  found  but  two  examples  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gos- 
pels, namely,  Mat.  26.9'a>1>:  mcehte  forSon  Sis  wosa  uel  were 
biboht  in  micil  feh  &  wosa  said  Sarfum  =  potuit  enim  istud 
uenundari  multo  pretio  et  dari  pauperibus.  The  passive  infini- 
tive with  auxiliary  verbs  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  West- 
Saxon,  is  clearly  due  to  Latin  influence.    See,  too,  Note  1  below. 

For  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Auxiliary  Verbs  in  West- 
Saxon  (where  the  situation  is  quite  similar  to  that  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels),  and  in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages, 
see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  79-88,  194,  and  237-238. 

NOTES 

1.  Predicative  Infinitives  Active  in  Form,  but  Passive  in 
Sense?— In  the  following  passages  we  seem  to  have  predicative 
infinitives  that  are  active  in  form  but  passive  in  sense: — Mat. 


120  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

5.14a:  ne  mo?g  burug  uel  ceastra  gehyda  uel  gedeigla  ofer  nior 
geseted  =  non  potest  ciuitas  abscondi  supra  monte  posita 
(Rushw. :  beon  ahyded;  W.  S. :  beon  behyd)  ;  Mat.  2.18c:  Sset 
wif  woeap  suna  hire  &  nalde  froefra  forSon  ne  sint  =  rachel 
plorans  filios  suos  et  noluit  consular!  (sic  for  consolari)  quia 
non  sunt  (Rushw. :  beon  afroefred;  W.  S. :  beon  gefrefred)  ; 
Mat.  10.34a:  Netted  ge  gedoema  uel  dcet  ge  se  domad  forSon  ic 
cuom  to  sendenne  sibbe  =  Nolite  arbitrari  quia  uenerim  mittere 
pacem  (the  glossator  mistaking  the  deponent,  arbitrari,  for  the 
passive?). — See,  also,  Notes  5  and  6  below. 

2.  Predicative  Infinitive  as  Complement  to  Gesea,  'Seem.' — 
In  Mat.  I.  3.1b  we  have  a  predicative  infinitive  as  the  comple- 
ment to  gesea,  '  seem  ' :  ana  (5a  (5oht  gesegon  gecerde  uel  gevixla 
=  tantum  quae  sensum  uidebantur  mutare.  [Professor  Cook, 
in  his  Glossary,  makes  gecerde  Ind.  Pret.  3rd  sing.,  but  to  me 
it  seems  a  past  participle,  in  the  predicate  nominative  plural ; 
and  it  may  be  that  the  glossator  intended  that  the  user  of  his 
book  should  put  gevixla  into  the  same  participial  form.] 

3.  The  Predicative  Infinitive  in  a  Series  with  Auxiliary 
Verbs. — In  Mat.  I.  1.9a>b'c,  quoted  on  p.  119  above,  we  have  a 
series  of  three  infinitives  the  first  of  which  is  inflected,  but  the 
others  are  not.  On  the  other  hand,  in  Mat.  5.40,  quoted  on  p, 
119  above,  we  have  a  series  of  two  infinitives  the  first  of  which 
is  uninflected,  but  the  second,  contrary  to  the  general  rule,  is 
inflected. 

4.  An  Alternative  Rendering  of  a  Latin  Deponent  Infinitive 
by  either  an  Active  Infinitive  or  by  a  Passive  Subjunctive  is 
given  in  Mat.  10.34a,  quoted  above  in  Note  1. 

5.  An  Abortive  Attempt  at  Rendering  a  Latin  Passive  In- 
finitive Complementary  to  "  Debeo"  is  found  in  Mat.  3.14: 
cue(5  ic  from  (5e  rehtra  is  gefulwia  =  dicens  ego  a  te  debeo 
baplizari  (Rushw. :  cweSende  ic  sceal  from  t5e  beon  uel  wesa 
deped  uel  fullwihted;  W.  S. :  cwaeS:  Ic  sceal  fram  Se  beon 
geftdlod). 


The  Infinitive  121 

6.  The  Adverbial  Use  of  the  Auxiliary  "  Mwg  "  occurs  in 
the  phrase  eade  mwg  {mwge,  mwhte),  as  in  L.  21.34:  behaldaS 
Sonne  iuih  eade  mcege  uel  Ssette  ne  sie  ahefigad  hearto  iuero  = 
Attendite  autem  uobis  ne  forte  grauentur  corda  sua  (Rushw. : 
eada  mcege;  W.  S. :  de  Ices)  ;  Mat.  11.23  eada  mwhte  uel  eade 
mcege  were  wungiende  uel  Ssette  hia  gewunadon  wi(5  Sonne 
ondueard  dseg  uel  Siosne  ondueard  dsege  =  forte  mansissent 
usque  in  hunc  diem  (Rushw.:  wen;  W.  S. :  witodlice).  Unin- 
telligible to  me  is  the  use  of  this  phrase  in  Mat.  12.33 :  gif  ec 
soSlic  from  wssstm  treo  oncnaua  eada  mceg  =  si  quidem  ex 
fructu  arbor  agnoscitur  (Rushw.:  ford  on  de  of  western  bid 
treow  ongeten;  W.  S. :  Witodlice  be  Sam  wsestmme  by<5  Sset 
treow  oncnmven) .  [In  his  marginal  note  to  this  passage,  Skeat 
says  of  eada  mceg:  "  intended  as  a  further  gloss  to  si  quidem." 
I  am  inclined,  however,  to  think  that  mceg  is  here  a  verb,  not,  as 
classified  by  Professors  Cook  and  Skeat,  an  adverb ;  and  that 
oncnaua  is  the  infinitive  complement  of  mceg,  and  is  here  passive 
in  sense,  though  active  in  form,  because  of  the  Latin  passive, 
agnoscitur.  ] 

7.  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  after  "  Agan." — In  his  Syn- 
tax im  Poema  Morale,  a  Breslau  dissertation  of  1914,  p.  33, 
Dr.  Walter  Preusler  declares  that  the  uninflected  infinitive  is 
not  found  in  Anglo-Saxon  after  agan,  '  owe,'  '  ought.'  Four 
examples  of  this  construction,  however,  had  been  recorded  by  me 
in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  81 ;  but  that  monograph 
had  appe?red  too  recently  to  be  accessible  to  Dr.  Preusler. 

V.     THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  VERBS  OF  MOTION 
AND  OF  REST  OTHER  THAN  "  WUTUN  " 

Of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Verbs  of  Motion,  as  in  the 
Martyrology  26.10  (culfre  com  fieogan  of  heofonum  ond  gesset 
ofer  his  heafde,  'the  dove  came  flying  from  heaven,'  etc.),  in 
which  the  infinitive,  instead  of  denoting  purpose,  seems  equiva- 
lent, in  modern  English,  to  a  predicative  present  participle,  no 
example  has  been  found  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.     Nor  was 


122  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

an  example  of  this  construction  found  in  the  West-Saxon  Gos- 
pels. The  idiom  is  found  frequently  in  Anglo-Saxon  poetry  and 
occasionally  in  the  prose. 

Of  a  similar  predicative  use  of  the  infinitive  after  Verbs  of 
Rest,  as  in  iElfric's  Lives  of  Saints  512.  417  (Seer  (5set  scrpef 
wses  tomiddes  Se  <5a  seofon  halgan  lagon  inne  slapan,  '  where 
the  cave  was  in  which  the  seven  saints  lay  sleeping ' ) ,  no  exam- 
ple occurs  either  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  or  in  the  West- 
Saxon  Gospels.     The  idiom  is  very  rare  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Concerning  each  of  these  two  idioms  in  West-Saxon  and  in 
the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  pp.  89-92,  194-199,  and  238-239.  Compare,  too,  Dr.  J. 
H.  Kern's  De  met  het  Participium  Praeteriti  Omschreven 
Werhwoordsvormen  in  't  Nederlands,  Amsterdam,  1912,  §§  61 
and  329,  and  the  references  there  given  to  Stoett;  also  van 
Helten  4,  pp.  230-232. 

VI.     THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  "  WUTUN  "  18 

A.     Tiie  Active  Infinitive 

Of  the  active  infinitive  as  Predicative  Complement  to  Wutun, 
i  let,'  about  seven  examples  occur  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
The  infinitive  is  always  uninflected,  and  is  active  in  sense  as 
well  as  in  form. 

The  examples  in  full  are  as  follows : — 

ga(geonga),  #o  (4): 

Mat.  26.46:  wutum  geonga  =  eamus.  So:  Mh.  1.38,  14.42; 
J.  14.31. 

gesea,  see  (1) : 

Mat.  27.49a:  wutun  we  gesea  hwe(5er  cyme  =  uideamus  an 
ueniat. 

ofsla,  slay,  hill  (2) : 

Mh.  12.7:  cymes  wutum  we  ofsla  hine  =  uenite  occidamus 
eum; — L.  20.14:  wutun  of  sice  hine  =  occidamus  ilium. 

In  each  of  these  examples  wutun  plus  the  infinitive  translates 

18  The  regular  Lindisfarne  form  is  either  ivutum  or  icutun. 


The  Infinitive  123 

a  Latin  subjunctive.  In  one  example,  Mk.  12.7,  both  in  the 
Latin  and  in  the  Northumbrian  gloss,  an  adhortative  (uenite 
=  cymes)  precedes  ivutun. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

The  paucity  of  examples  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with 
Wutun  makes  it  unwise  to  dogmatize  about  the  origin  of  the 
idiom  in  the  Lindisfa/rne  Gospels.  But  the  evidence  seems  to 
support  the  theory  that  the  idiom  in  West-Saxon  was  native, 
but  was  somewhat  helped  on  by  the  occurrence  of  the  sub- 
junctive in  the  Latin  original.  See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  pp.  93-96,  199-200;  and  for  this  idiom  in  Old  Saxon, 
p.  239  of  the  same. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  passive  infinitive  as  the  predicative  complement  of 
ivutun  I  have  found  no  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 

Note.  An  Alternation  of  the  Analytic  "  Wutun"  Plus  an 
Infinitive  with  the  Synthetic  Subjunctive  is  found  twice:  Mk. 
1.38 :  gee  we  uel  wutum  geonga  =  eamus;  similarly  Mk.  14.42. 

VII.     THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  "  BIA(N)  " 
("  WOSA  ") 

A.     The  Infinitive  Denotes  Necessity  or  Obligation 

The  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Bia(n)  (Wosa)  Denoting 
Necessity  or  Obligation  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  seems  to  me 
always  passive  in  sense,  as  in  L.  I.  11.1 :  Saette  neh  eostro  is  to 
redenne  =  Quod  propre  pascha  legendum  est.  In  West-Saxon, 
however,  this  infinitive  is  occasionally  active  in  sense.  Without 
exception  the  infinitive  is  inflected. 

I  cite  all  the  examples  found,  arranged  alphabetically  (21, 
of  which  17  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ") : — 

ahoa,  crucify  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  19.16. 

awrita,  write  (1) :  J.  (1) :  21.25. 


124  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

behalda  (bi-),  hold,  guard  against  (3) :  Mat.  (2) :  I.  I7.15b; 
I.  20.2.— L.  (1):  I.  2.10. 

geafa,  give  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  1.12. 

gelefa,  believe  (1) :  J.  (1) :  I.  4.2b. 

reda,  read  (3):  L.  (1):  I.  11.1.— J.  (2):  I.  4.19;  I.  5.8a. 

sella,  give  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  17.13b  (in  which  sellende  is  for 
sellenne  without  £of). 

senda,  send,  put  (1) :  L.  (1) :  5.38. 

setta,  set,  place  (1) :  Mb.  (1) :  I.  3.5a. 

SOeca,  see&  (5) :  Mat.  (4) :  I.  1.12;  I.  2.11;  I.  4.4a;  I.  9.19. 
— Mh.  (1)  I.  4.8*>. 

swiga  (suiga),  keep  silent  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  15.5. 

tOSOeca,  seek,  return  (Latin  referre)  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  9.9a 
(woero  tosceccenne;  perhaps  should  be  put  under  the  simplex, 
soeca). 

WUndriga,  wonder,  admire  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  9.30. 

Of  these  twenty-one  examples,  fifteen  translate  Latin  gerun- 
dives (of  which  one  is  preceded  by  ad),  a  correspondent  which 
is  quite  common  in  West-Saxon,  also,  and  which  in  both  dialects 
often  accounts  for  the  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  of  necessity. 
The  other  Latin  correspondents  are:  an  appositive  participle, 
passive,  1 ;  an  objective  infinitive,  active,  1 ;  a  present  passive 
infinitive,  1 ;  a  subjunctive  passive,  1 ;  a  substantival  participle, 
present,  1 ;  an  adjective  in  -bilis,  1. 

B.     The  Infinitive  Denotes  Futukity 

Of  the  Infinitive  Denoting  Futurity,  I  have  found  no  clear 
example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  though  it  occurs  several 
times  in  West-Saxon.  Where  the  predicative  infinitive  with 
beon  (wesan)  denoting  Futurity  is  found  in  the  West-Saxon 
Gospels,  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  use  (1)  a  predicate  participle 
(usually  present,  but  occasionally  past)  or  (2)  a  predicate 
adjective  or  (3)  a  predicative  verbal  noun: — 

(1)  Mat.  11.3 :  W.  S.,  Eart  (5u  (5e  to  cumenne  eartf  =  Lind., 
ar(5  (5u  se(5e  tocymende  wees  uel  isf==ta  es  qui  uenturus  es? 


The  Infinitive  125 

Similarly:  Mat.  16.27;  L.  7.19,  20;  L.  10.1;  J.  1.15.— L. 
22.23 :  W.  S.,  to  donne  woere  =  Lind.,  doend  were  =  facturus 
esset. 

L.  9.31 :  W.  S.,  his  gewitendnesse  (5e  he  to  gefyllende  («—  #e- 
fyllenne?)  wees  on  hierusalem  =  Lind.,  tofser  his  <5one  (stc) 
scealde  gefylled  wosa  uel  wses  in  h.  =  excessum  eius  quern  com- 
pleturus  erat  in  h. — Mat.  17.12:  W.  S.,  swa  ys  mannes  sunu 
eac  fram  him  to  Srowigenne  =  Lind.,  sunu  monnes  ge&rowed 
bid  from  him  =  et  filius  hominis  passurus  est  ab  eis.  [Skeat 
in  a  marginal  note  to  gedrowed:  "  Ms.  gefirowend  altered  to 
gedrowed."] 

(2)  Mat.  11.14:  W.  S.,  he  ys  helias  (5e  to  cumenne  ys  = 
Lind.,  Se  is  — [=  blank]  seSe  toueard  woes  =  ipse  est  helias 
qui  uenturus  est. 

(3)  L.  24.21:  W.  S.,  we  hopedon  Saet  he  to  alysenne  wcere 
israhel  =  Lind.,  woe  .  .  .  gehyhton  Ssette  he  were  eftlesing 
israeles  =  nos  autem  sperabamus  quia  ipse  esset  redemturus 
israhel. 

C.     The  Infinitive  Denotes  Purpose 

Of  the  inflected  infinitive  with  bia(n)  (wosa)  denoting  Pur- 
pose, only  two  examples  occur  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  one 
of  which  is  doubtful: — L.  I.  7.9b:  Saet  lehtfset  cuoeSende  ne 
were  under  mitte  to  gesettanne  =  Lucernam  dicens  non  esse 
sub  modio  pani  (or  may  denote  Necessity)  ;  L.  5.17:  msegen 
wees  drihtnes  to  hcelenne  hia  =  uirtus  erat  domini  ad  sanandum 
eos.  The  same  idiom  is  found  in  the  West-Saxon  version  of 
the  second  passage.  In  the  first  example,  the  infinitive,  though 
active  in  form,  is  passive  in  sense,  and  translates  a  Latin  pass- 
ive infinitive;  in  the  second  example,  it  is  active  in  sense  as 
well  as  in  form,  and  translates  a  Latin  gerund  that  is  active  in 
sense. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

With  the  exceptions  already  noted,  the  situation  with  respect 
to  the  Inflected  Infinitive  of  Necessity  is  substantially  the  same 
in  West-Saxon  as  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.     The  probability 


126  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

is  that,  when  denoting  necessity  or  purpose,  the  inflected  infini- 
tive with  bia(n)  (wosa)  was  suggested  by  the  Latin.  See  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  PP-  97-106  and  200-203,  for  this 
idiom  in  West-Saxon,  and  pp.  239-240  for  this  construction  in 
the  other  Germanic  languages. 

NOTES 

1.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  without  "  To  "  occurs  in  Mat.  I. 
I7.13b:  halig  hundum  &  bergum  ne  is  sellende  (for  sellenne?) 
.  .  .  foregemercade  uel  getachte  =  Sanctum  canibus  porcisque 
non  dandum  .  .  .  praefigit.  It  is  possible,  of  course,  that  the 
glossator  purposely  wrote  the  participle  here  (sellende)  instead 
of  the  inflected  infinitive  (sellenne)  without  to.  See  A  above ; 
also  "  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction," 
below,  in  Section  xv. 

2.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  of  Necessity  Alternates  with  a 
Past  Participle  in  /.  19.16:  Ssette  uoere  ahoen  uel  to  ahoanne 
=  ut  crucifigeretur. 

3.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  of  Necessity  Alternates  with  an 
Adjective  in  J.  9.30 :  in  Sis  forSon  to  uundranne  uel  uundorlice 
is  =  in  hoc  enim  mirabile  est.  Professor  Cook  considers  uundor- 
lice an  adverb  here,  but  it  seems  better  to  construe  it  as  an 
adjective  with  an  improper  ending:  compare  Carpenter,  I.  c, 
§162. 

VIII.     THE    PREDICATIVE     INFINITIVE    WITH    ACCUSATIVE 

SUBJECT 

The  active  infinitive  as  the  Quasi-Predicate  of  an  Accusative 
Subject  is  more  commonly  uninflected  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gos- 
pels as  in  the  West-Saxon,  but  it  is  found  inflected  much  more 
frequently  in  the  former  than  in  the  latter.  In  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  we  have  about  38  (65  including  the  "  Introductions  ") 
examples  of  the  uninflected  predicative  infinitive  to  about  4 
(41  including  the  "  Introductions  ")  examples  of  the  inflected 
infinitive,  in  objective  clauses ;  while  the  West-Saxon  Gospels 
has  44  and  0  respectively.     In  subjective  clauses,  the  predi- 


The  Infinitive  127 

cative  infinitive  (uninflected  in  all  instances  but  2)  is  likewise 
more  common  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  than  in  the  West- 
Saxon,  about  38  examples  occurring  in  the  former  to  7  in  the 
latter. 

Of  the  strictly  passive  infinitive  (that  is,  of  the  infinitive 
made  up  of  bia(n)  (wosa)  plus  the  past  participle)  I  have 
found  no  clear  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  At  times, 
however,  the  active  infinitive,  whether  uninflected  or  inflected 
(especially  the  latter),  is  passive  in  sense.  But  the  voice  of  the 
predicative  infinitive  is  too  complicated  for  collective  treatment, 
and  must  be  discussed  piece-meal  in  the  several  subsections  of 
this  division  of  my  study. 

I.     As  Object 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

I.     Uninflected 

The  uninflected  active  infinitive  with  accusative  subject,  in 
object  clauses,  seems  to  me  almost  exclusively  active  in  sense 
as  well  as  in  form.  Possibly  the  infinitive  is  passive  in  sense 
in  the  two  following  passages,  in  each  of  which  it  translates  a 
Latin  passive  infinitive: — Mat.  23.7  lufaS  .  .  .  groetengo  in 
spree  &  hia  ceiga  uel  hia  genemna  from  monnum  laruas  =  amant 
.  .  .  et  salutationes  in  foro  et  uocari  ab  hominibus  rabbi ;  Mat. 
27.21 :  hue&er  ne  wallad  gie  iwh  Sara  twoege  forletaf  =  quern 
uultis  uobis  de  duobus  dimittif  (Rushw. :  hwcecfer  willaS  ge 
eow  Sara  twegra  forleten  beon;  W.  S. ;  Hwce&erne  wylle  ge  <5set 
ic  forgyfe  eow  of  Sisum  twam?).  But  in  the  two  following 
examples,  in  which  the  Latin  original  has  a  predicative  passive 
infinitive,  the  Lindisfarne  infinitive  is  active  in  sense  as  well  as 
in  form: — L.  I.  9.15a:  (5a  lytlo  from  him  hia  adrifa  forehead 
=  Paruulos  a  se  uetari  prohibens;  L.  18.40 :  geheht  hine  tolceda 
hine  =  iussit  ilium  adduci  se  (Rushw. :  heht  hine  Iceda  to  him  ; 
W.  S. :  het  hine  loedan  to  him).  Some  hold,  however,  that, 
after  verbs  of  commanding  and  of  causing,  we  sometimes  have 
a  predicative  infinitive  that,  though  active  in  form,  is  passive  in 


128  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

sense.  The  grounds  for  the  active  interpretation  have  been 
given  in  Section  II,  on  "  the  Objective  Infinitive,"  pp.  102-103 
above ;  where  I  have  stated  that  to  me  the  infinitive  in  examples 
of  the  sort  there  cited  seems,  not  predicative,  but  objective,  and 
the  accompanying  accusative,  not  subjective,  but  objective. 

The  groups  of  verbs  with  which  we  find  the  accusative-with- 
infinitive  construction  are  much  the  same  as  in  West-Saxon,  but 
naturally  the  distribution  within  the  groups  differs  appreciably. 
In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  predicative  infinitive  with  accu- 
sative subject  is  found: — 

I.  Occasionally  with  these  Verbs19  of  Commanding  (10): 
forbeada  (2),  forbid. 

gebidda  (1),  bid,  request. 
gehata  (4),  order,  command. 
hata  (3),  order,  command. 

II.  Oftenest  with  these  Verbs  of  Causing  and  of  Permit- 
ting (24) : 

doa  (3),  do,  cause. 

forgeafa  (1)  :  grant,  allow. 

forleta  (5) :  let,  allow. 

gedoa  (3),  do,  cause. 

gelefa  (2),  allow. 

geSreaga  (1),  force,  compel. 

gewyrca  (1),  make,  cause. 

lefa  (1),  allow. 

leta  (4),  let,  allow. 

ondeta  (1),  usually  confess,  but  here  allow. 

fterhgelefa  (1),  permit. 

wyrca  (1),  make,  cause. 

III.  Occasionally  with  these  Verbs  of  Sense  Percepti  n 
(4): 

gesea  (3),  see. 
sea  (1),  see. 

19  In  these  lists  the  figure  in  parenthesis  indicates  the  number  of  occur- 
rences of  each  verb  with  this  construction. 


The  Infinitive  129 

IV.  Occasionally  with  these  Verbs  of  Mental  Perception 
(12): 

sedeawa  (l),  show. 

geeawa  (1),  show. 

gefsestniga  (1),  confirm. 

geondwearda  (l),  respond. 

getrymma  (4),  affirm,  confirm  (belongs  partly  under  V.). 

lsera  (2),  teach. 

ongeatta  (1),  understand,  know. 

woena  (1),  hope. 

V.  Occasionally  with  these  Verbs  of  Declaring  (10)  : 
CUOeSa  (9),  say,  declare. 

onsacca  (1),  deny. 

VI.  Karely  with  these  Other  Verbs  (5) : 
lufiga  (1),  love. 

willa  (4),  wish,  desire. 

As  this  idiom  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  substantially  iden- 
tical with  the  corresponding  one  in  West-Saxon,  I  give  here 
only  a  few  examples: — 

Mat.  19.14:  nallas  ge  hia  forbeada  to  me  cyme  =  nolite  eos 
prohibere  ad  me  uenire. — Mat.  14.28 :  haat  meh  gecumce  to  (5e 
=  iube  me  uenire  ad  te. 

Mat.  5.45  :  sunna  his  arise  doed  =  solem  suum  oriri  facit. — 
Mat.  13.30a:  forletas  egSer  uel  boege  gewcexe  =  sinite  utraque 
crescere. 

Mh.  13.29:  mi(5(5y  gie  geseas  das  wosa  =  cum  uideritis  hcec 
fieri. — L.  24.39 :  bano  ne  hsefeS  suae  mec  gie  seas  habba  =  ossa 
non  habet  sicut  me  uidetis  habere. 

Mat.  I.  17.15a:  monige  .  .  .  inngae  getrymes  =  multos  .  .  . 
introire  testatur. — Mat.  28.20b:  Icerende  hia  halda  alle  =  do- 
centes  eos  seruare  omnia. 

J.  I.  6.8:  latzarum  .  .  .  slepe  cuoed =  Lazarum  .  .  .  dor- 
mire  dicit. — Mat.  I.  6.17:  (5a  tSe  onsaccas — (=  blank)  in  lic- 
9 


130  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

homa  gecomae  =  negant  christian  in  carne  uenisse  (christum, 
being  a  proper  noun,  is  not  glossed). 

L.  19.27:  (5a(5e  ne  waldon  mec  rixage  =  qui  noluerunt  me 
regnare. 

The  following  is  a  complete  list  of  the  verbs  followed  by  the 
active  uninflected  infinitive  used  as  the  Predicate  of  an  Accu- 
sative Subject,  in  objective  clauses  (65,  of  which  27  are  in  the 
"  Introductions  ") : — 

sedeawa,  show  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  18.16. 

CWOeSa,  say,  declare  (9):  Mat.  (3):  I.  17.18;  I.  18.15a; 
I.  19.18.— Mh.  (1) :  I.  3.5C.— L.  (3) :  I.  7.5b;  11.18;  24.23b.— 
J.  (2):  I.  4.18;  I.  6.8. 

doa,  do,  cause  (3)  :  Mat.  (2)  :  5.45;  21.7.— L.  (1) :  12.37b. 

forbeada,  forbid,  prohibit  (2):  Mat.  (1):  19.14.— L.  (1): 
I.  9.15a. 

forgeafa,  grant,  allow  (1) :  Mh.  (1) :  7.12. 

forleta,  let,  permit  (5):  Mat.  (3):  8.21a>b;  13.30a.—  L. 
(1):  10.40.—/.   (1):  18.8. 

gebidda,  bid,  request  (1):  L.   (1):  5.3. 

gedoa,  do,  cause  (3):  Mat.  (1):  5.33.— Mk.  (1):  6.39.— 
L.  (1):  24.28. 

geeawa,  show,  demonstrate  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  2.17. 

gefsestniga,  confirm  (1) :  L.  (1) :  I.  7.19b. 

gehata,  order,  command  (4) :  Mat.  (2) :  14.22a>b. — L.  (1)  : 
18.40.—/.  (1):  I.  6.9a. 

gelefa,  allow,  permit  (2):  L.  (2):  I.  5.20;  8.51. 

geondwearda,  respond  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  10.14a. 

gesea,  see  (3):  Mk.  (2):  7.2;  13.29.—  L.  (1):  13.28. 

getrymma,  affirm,  confirm  (4):  Mat  (1)  :  I.  17.15a. — L. 
(1):  I.  6.13c.— J.  (2):  I.  4.2C;  I.  7.9b. 

geSreaga,  force,  compel  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  6.45. 

gewyrca,  make,  compel  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  1.1. 

hata,  order,  command  (3):  Mat.  (1):  14.28. — Mk.  (2):  I. 
5.9c>d. 

lsera,  teach,  instruct  (2):  Mat.   (2):  I.  20.5b;  28.20b. 

lefa,  allow,  permit  (1):  Mk.  (1):  T.  3.6. 


The  Infinitive  131 

leta,  let,  allow  (4):  Mat.  (1):  23.13.—  Mk.  (1):  10.14.— 
L.  (1):  18.16.—/.  (1):  11.44b. 

lufiga,  love  (1):  Mat.  (1):  23.7. 

ondeta,  usually  confess,  but  here  aiZcw  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I. 
3 .  lc  (  ondetad  =  pateremur) . 

ongeatta,  understand,  know   (1):  L.   (1):  I.  11. 8C. 

onsacca,  deny  (1):  Mat.   (1):  I.  6.17. 

sea,  see  (1):  L.  (1):  24.39. 

Serhgelefa,  perwwtf  (1):  Ma^.  (1):  I.  18.6b. 

willa,  will,  desire  (4)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  27.21.— L.  (1) :  19.27.— 
J.  (2):  21.22,  23. 

woena,  ween,  think  (1):  L.  (1):  8.18. 

wyrca,  make,  cause  (1) :  L.  (1) :  5.34. 

ORIGIN  OF   THE  IDIOM 

The  Latin  correspondents  of  the  uninfected  Predicative  In- 
finitive with  Accusative  Subject  are  as  follows:  an  accusative 
with  an  active  infinitive,  58 ;  with  a  deponent  infinitive,  3 ; 
with  a  passive  infinitive,  3  (2  present;  1  perfect)  ;  and  with  a 
future  participle,  1.  The  completeness  of  the  correspondence 
here  between  the  Latin  original  and  the  Northumbrian  gloss 
would  lead  one  to  suspect  more  or  less  of  Latin  influence,  I 
believe.  That  the  native  trend  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is 
decidedly  against  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  is 
indicated  by  this  fact :  although  in  64  instances  the  Latin  accu- 
sative-with-infinitive construction  is  retained  in  the  Northum- 
brian gloss,  in  130  instances  this  Latin  idiom  is  rendered  other- 
wise than  by  a  predicative  infinitive  (uninflected  or  inflected) 
with  accusative  subject. 

Possibly  an  inspection  of  the  list  of  verbs  after  which  this 
Latin  idiom  is  avoided  may  help  us  to  attain  more  specific 
results  as  to  the  origin  of  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construc- 
tion in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  Accordingly  I  give  in  parallel 
columns  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  verbs  after  which  in  these 
Gospels  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  of  the  Latin 
original  is  retained  or  avoided : — 


132               The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

Retained :     Avoided 

cedeawa,    '  show ' 1                  2 

ceteawa,   l  show  ' 3 

awrita,   '  write,'   '  express  ' 2 

bebeada,  '  command  ' 2 

ceiga,  i  call,'  '  exclaim  ' 2 

cuoeda,  '  say,'  '  declare ' 9                49 

doa,  '  do,'  '  cause ' 3                  2 

doema,  '  judge  ' 1 

forbeada,  '  forbid,'   '  prohibit ' 2                  1 

forecuoeda,  '  prophesy  ' 3 

foregehata,   i  promise  ' 1 

forescecga,  i  predict ' 1 

forgeafa,  '  grant,'  '  allow  ' 1 

forleta, '  let,' '  permit ' 5 

gebidda,  '  bid,'  '  request ' 1 

gecyda,  '  make  known  ' 3 

gedoa,,  i  do,'  '  cause ' 3                  1 

geeawa, '  show,'  '  demonstrate  ' 1 

gefcestniga,  '  confirm ' 1                  3 

gehata,  '  order,'  '  command ' 4                  6 

gehata,  '  promise  ' 2 

gelcera,   '  teach  ' 2 

gelecniga,  '  take  care  ' 1 

gelefa,  '  allow  ' 2 

gemerciga,  '  signify  ' 1 

genidriga,  '  humiliate  '    1 

geondswariga,  '  respond  ' 1 

geondwearda,  '  respond ' 1                  4 

gesea,  '  see ' 3                 5 

gesweriga,   '  swear  ' 1 

getrymma,  '  affirm,'  ;  confirm ' 4                   1 

gedreaga,  '  force,'  '  compel ' 1 

gewyrcw,  '  make,'   '  compel ' 1                   l 

hata,  '  order,'   '  command ' 3                  2 

Icera,  '  teach,'  '  instruct ' 2                  4 


The  Infinitive  133 

Eetained :     Avoided : 

lefa,  '  allow/   '  permit ' 1 

leta,   '  let/   '  allow ' 4  1 

ondeta,  usually  '  confess,'   but   here 

'  allow  ' 1 

ondswariga,  '  answer  ' 1 

ongeatta,  '  understand  ' 1 

onscecca,    '  deny ' .  ., 1  1 

scecga,  '  say/  '  declare/ 1 

sea,  '  see  ' 1 

soeca,   '  seek  ' 2 

sodiga,  '  attest/'  '  prove  ' 1 

spreca,  '  speak  ' 2 

todoema,  '  judge  ' 1 

derhgelefa,  l  permit ' 1 

willa     (ne    willa),     'will/     'wish' 

(*  will  not/  'wish  not ') 4  1 

wita,  '  know  ' 2 

woena,   '  think ' 1  3 

wyrca,  '  make/  '  cause ' 1  1 

This  list  will  not  enable  us  to  decide  as  to  the  origin  of  the 
accusative-with-infinitive  construction  with  each  word,  but  it 
makes  highly  probable,  I  think,  several  general  conclusions. 
The  idiom  was  probably  native  with  a  few  verbs  (1)  of  Com- 
manding (gehata,  hata),  (2)  of  Causing  and  Permitting  (doa, 
gedoa,  gewyrca(f),  wyrca(f),  forgeafa,  forleta,  gelefa,  lefa, 
leta,  derhgelefa),  (3)  of  Sense  Perception  (gesea,  sea),  (4)  of 
Mental  Perception  (getrymma) ,  and  (5)  of  Inclination  and  of 
Will  (ivilla(  ?)).  The  idiom  was  probably  of  foreign  (Latin) 
origin  with  all  verbs  of  Declaring,  for,  although  this  construc- 
tion is  found  9  times  after  cuoeda,  it  is  avoided  49  times  there- 
with and  several  times  with  other  verbs  of  declaring  (ceiga, 
forecuoeda,  forescecga,  gemerciga,  geondsivariga,  geondweardo , 
ondswariga,  scecga,  spreca).  Moreover,  the  idiom  is  avoided, 
also,  with  this  verb  of  Commanding  (bebeada) ,  and  with  sev- 


134  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

eral  verbs  of  Mental  Perception  (ceteawa,  awrita,  doema,  fore- 
gehata  ('  promise  '),  gecyBa,  gefcestniga,  gehata  ('  promise  '), 
gelcera,  gelecniga,  geni&riga,  gesweriga,  soeca,  sodiga,  todoema, 
luita,  woena).  This  situation  with  reference  to  the  accusative- 
with-infinitive  construction  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  re- 
markably similar  to  that  in  West-Saxon,  as  may  be  seen  by 
comparing  my  summary  concerning  the  origin  of  this  idiom 
in  the  latter,  in  The  Infinitive  m  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  208,  which 
is  too  long  for  quotation  here.  However,  the  accusative-with- 
infinitive  construction  is  more  frequent  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  after  verbs  of  declaring  than  in  West-Saxon,  nine  ex- 
amples occurring  in  the  former  to  only  five  in  the  whole  of 
West-Saxon. 

II.       INFLECTED 

About  41  examples  (all  but  four  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 
have  been  found  of  the  inflected  infinitive  used  as  the  Predicate 
of  a  Subject  Accusative,  in  objective  clauses,  against  less  than 
a  dozen  clear  examples  in  the  whole  of  West-Saxon. 

As  indicated  below,  more  frequently  than  not  the  Lindisfarne 
inflected  infinitive  here  is  passive  in  sense,  a  fact  explained  by 
the  further  fact  that  in  such  instances  it  usually  translates  a 
Latin  passive  gerundive  without  esse,  as  in  Mat.  I.  20. 8b:  cwed 
cynn  (5aet  mi(5  gebed  &  mi(5  fsestern  to  fordrifanne  =  ait  genus 
illud  oratione  ieiunioque  pellendum.  This  idiom,  both  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels  and  in  the  Latin  original,  may  be  consid- 
ered an  elliptical  form  of  the  predicative  infinitive  of  neces- 
sity with  the  verb  bia(n)  (wosa),  the  ellipsis  (of  esse)  being 
patent  in  the  Latin.  Compare,  in  Section  xv  below,  what  is 
said  of  the  "  the  Elliptical-Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construc- 
tion," which  in  one  of  its  phases  is  passive  in  sense. 

I  give  in  full  the  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  Predi- 
cate of  an  Accusative  Subject,  in  alphabetic  sequence  of  the 
governing  verb  (41,  all  but  four  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 


The  Infinitive  135 

ACTIVE  IN   FORM  AND  IN   SENSE 

(6,  of  which  3  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  I.  4.13:  cuoed  nidriendo 
godra  woruldra  hundteantigsi(5a  monigfallice  mi(5  oehtnissum 
eft  to  onfoenne  =  ait  contemtores  bonorum  saecularium  cen- 
tuplum  cum  persecutionibus  recepturus  (for  recepturos?) . 

foressecga,  announce,  declare  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  I.  6.4:  he  uere 
cuoeS  duru  &  hiorde  scipa  fore  Ssem  he  his  sauel  Sset  he  ualde 
gesete  &  o(5ero  scip  to  gelwdanne  forescegde  =  seque  dicit  ostium 
et  pastorem  ouium  pro  quibus  se  suam  animam  positurum  tt 
alias  oues  adducturum  pronuntiat  (with  accusative  subject  to 
be  supplied  in  the  Old  English). 

forleta,  allow,  let  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  8.22:  fylge  meh  &  forlet 
(5a  deado  to  bebyrgenne  (5a  deado  hiora  =  sequere  me  et  dimitte 
mortuos  sepelire  mortuos  suos. 

lefa,  allow,  permit  (2):  Mh.  (2):  I.  3.6:  diowles  fordraf 
gegeonga  uel  to  geonganne  lefde  in  bergum  =  demones  eiciens 
ire  concessit  in  porcos;  1.34b:  nalde  leta  spreca  hia  uel  ne  lefde 
hia  to  spreccanne  =  non  sinebat  loqui  ea  (or  Objective?). 

leta,  let,  allow  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  5.37 :  ne  leort  aenigne  monno  to 
fylgenne  hine  =  non  admisit  quemquam  sequi  se. 

ACTIVE  IN  FORM,  BUT  PASSIVE  IN  SENSE 

(35,  of  which  34  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ") 

beada,  order,  command  (2)  :  L.  (2)  :  I.  10.19a,b:  to  wceccen- 
ne  bead  &  to  biddanne  =  uigilandum  praecipit  et  otandwm 
(with  the  accusative  subject  implied  in  both  Old  English  and 
Latin.    Or  the  infinitive  may  be  considered  purely  Objective  ?). 

bebeada,  order,  command  (3)  :  L.  (3) :  I.  5.8a,b;  I.  7.15. 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (3)  :  Mat.  (2) :  I.  20.8b:  cwed  cynn  Sset 
mi(5  gebed  &  mi (5  f western  to  fordrifenne  =  ait  genus  illnd 
oratione  ieiunioque  pellendum;  16.12. — L.  (1)  :  I.  5.17a. 

efnegefestniga,  conclude,  assure  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  21.7. 

forecuoeSa,  predict,  assert  (1):  L.   (1):  I.  10.15:  ymbsel- 


136  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

lenne  from  here  hierusalem  .  .  .  forecuoed  =  circumdandam 
ab  exercitu  hierusalem  .  .  .  praedicit. 

foregehata,  declare,  promise  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  16.13b. 

foresaecga,  declare,  urge  (3) :  Mat.  (1) :  I.  21.20b:  to  wcec- 
cenne  forescegde  =  Uigilandum  praedicit  (with  accusative  sub- 
jeer  implied?  or  Objective  purely?). — L.  (2) :  I.  9.11,  12. 

gebecniga,  signify,  indicate  (1):  J.  (1):  I.  7.16:  <5a  ilea 
&  from  feder  to  lufanne  gebecnas  =  quos  a  patre  amari  signifi- 
cans. 

gehata,  order,  urge  (6):  Mat.  (5):  I.  16.15b;  I.  17.1(?): 
I.  17.5C;  I.  21.15;  I.  21.20a.— Mk.  (1)  :  I.  3.20. 

getrymma,  affirm  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  17. 5a. 

hata,  order,  command  (3) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  20.11  (forhyeganne 
without  to).— L.  (2)  :  I.  7.16,  17. 

lsera,  teach,  instruct  (9):  Mat.  I.  17.6:  (5a  allmissa  laeras 
deiglige  to  doanne  =  Aelemosynam  docet  iu  abscondito  /act- 
e/^A/m;  I.  17.8b,c;  I.  I7.13'a.— Mk.  (1):  I.  5.8.— L.  (3):  I. 
8.10;  I.  9.14V.—,/.  (1):  I.  7.12. 

merciga,  signify,  indicate  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  9.1 5b. 

ssecga,  say,  declare  (1):  J.  (1):  I.  8.2:  saeged  underni- 
omanne  lichoma  of  byrgenne  =  nuntiat  sublatum  corpus  de 
monumento. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

In  a  few  instances  (a)  (as  in  Mk.  I.  3.6  and  1.34b,  quoted 
on  p.  135  above),  the  inflection  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive 
with  Accusative  Subject  seems  to  be  due  to  the  proximity  of  the 
infinitive  to  a  verb  of  double  regimen  (lefa)  in  the  Northum- 
brian.20 But  in  most  instances  the  inflection  is  due  to  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Latin  original,  the  Northumbrian  inflected  in- 
finitive corresponding  to  Latin  locutions  that  in  West-Saxon, 
also,  usually  cause  inflection,  though  not  in  the  predicative  use: 
the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  in  the  Latin  having 
(b )    a  future  active  participle  (2)   or  (c)   a  gerundive  (32), 

20  In  each  of  these  passages  both  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected 
infinitive  are  given  as  glosses. 


The  Infinitive  137 

the  latter  usually  with  the  ellipsis  of  esse.  The  other  Latin 
correspondents  are:  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction 
having  a  present  active  infinitive  (2),  a  deponent  infinitive 
(2),  a  present  passive  infinitive  (2),  and  a  perfect  passive  in- 
finitive (1).  The  influence  of  the  Latin  gerundial  and  future 
participle  constructions  is  stronger  in  the  Northumbrian  than 
in  the  West-Saxon,  in  which  latter  only  a  few  examples  occur 
of  the  inflected  infinitive  used  predicatively  with  a  subject  ac- 
cusative (scarcely  a  dozen  clear  examples).  Moreover,  as 
stated  above,  p.  134,  the  voice  of  the  inflected  predicative  in- 
finitive in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  determined  largely  by  the 
nature  of  its  Latin  original. 

For  this  idiom  in  West-Saxon  and  in  the  other  Germanic 
languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  118-119,  213, 
and  247-248. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  serictly  passive  infinitive  (that  is,  of  the  infinitive 
made  up  of  bia(n)  (wosa)  plus  the  perfect  participle),  as 
stated  incidentally  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  I  have 
found  no  clear  example.  But,  as  shown  in  Section  A,  often  an 
inflected  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form  is  passive  in  sense, 
and  very  rarely  an  uninflected  infinitive  seems  to  be  passive 
in  sense. 

II.     As  Subject 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

I.     UNINFLECTED 

In  the  subjective  use,  the  uninflected  Predicative  Infinitive 
with  Accusative  Subject  is  much  more  frequent  in  the  Lind- 
isfarne Gospels  than  in  West-Saxon,  there  being  36  examples 
(of  which  six  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  in  the  former  to 
seven  examples  in  the  latter  (all  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels). 
In  five  of  these  36  examples,  the  infinitive  is  the  subject  of  a 
passive  verb. 

In  most  instances  here  the  infinitive  is  active  in  sense  as  in 


138  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

form.  But  in  a  few  examples,  indicated  below,  the  Lindisfarne 
infinitive,  though  active  in  form,  translates  a  Latin  passive  in- 
finitive, and  appears  itself  to  be  passive  in  sense.  See  above, 
p.  134. 

I  give  in  full  the  examples  of  the  uninflected  Predicative 
Infinitive  with  Subject  Accusative,  in  alphabetic  sequence  of 
the  verb  of  which  the  infinitive  phrase  is  the  subject  (36  ex- 
amples, of  which  six  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

arisa,  be  fitting  (4)  :  L.  (4) :  9.22a>b>c>d:  cuoeS  Ssette  arised 
sunu  monnes  feolo  uel  micelo  gedolia  uel  gefiroivia  &  forcunima 
from  aldum  uel  from  Saem  seldestum  &  aldormonnum  sacerda 
&  uSwutum  &  ofslaa  uel  Saette  se  ofslaegen  &  Se  Sirddan  Sseg 
(sic)  arisa  =  dicens  quia  oportet  filium  hominis  multa  pati  et 
reprobari  a  senioribus  et  principibus  sacerdotum  et  scribis  et 
occidi  et  tertia  die  resurgere.  Two  of  these  infinitives,  though 
active  in  form,  translate  Latin  passive  infinitives,  and  appear 
to  be  passive  in  sense.  In  these  two  instances,  the  W.S.  Luke 
has  a  passive  subjunctive  (beo  a-worpen)  and  a  passive  infini- 
tive (beon  ofslegen).  The  Rushworth  Luke  has  one  appositive 
participle  (forcumen)  and  three  finite  verbs. 

bia(ll)  (wosa),  be,  plus  an  adjective  (occasionally  a 
noun)  (20)  : — 

—  eaSor  (eaSur),  easier  (3):  Mat.  (2):  19.24a>b:  ead'iir  is 
camel  Serh  Syril  nedles  oferfcrra  Son  Se  wlonca  ingeonga  in  rice 
heofna  =  fa-cilius  est  camelum  per  foramen  acus  transire  quam 
diuitem  intrare  in  regnum  caelorum.  [Professor  Cook  makes 
wlonca  nominative  here,  although  he  considers  ingeonga  an  in- 
finitive. I  think  that  wlonca  is  a  weak  accusative,  and  that  6e, 
though  nominative  in  form,  is  accusative  in  function:  see  <  Yir- 
penter,  I.  c,  §§  500  and  675.]      Mk.  (1)  :  10.25. 

—  gedoefenlic  (gedaef enlic) ,  fitting  (1) :  /.  (1) :  I.  !._": 
gedoefenlic  is  Ssette  gewox  hine  hueSre  lytlige  =  dicitur  iesum 

.  .  .  oportere  crescere  se  autem  minui. 

—  god,  good  (2) :  Mat  (2) :  18.8a-c:  god  uel  betra  de  is  to 
life  ingae  unhal  uel  halt  Son  tua  honda  uel  tuoege  foet  haeb- 


The  Infinitive  139 

bende  uel  hsebbe  sonde  in  fyr  ece  =  bonum  tibi  est  ad  uitam 
ingredi  debilem  uel  clodum  quam  duas  manus  uel  duos  pedes 
habentem  mitti  in  iguem  aeternum  (or  Subjective  ?)  Cf.  the 
comments  on  ansa  above. 

—  rehtlic,  right,  proper  (11)  :  Mat.  (7)  :  16.21'a>b>c><i:  for$0n 
rehtlic  is  hine  uel  he  gegce  hierusalem  &  feolo  gedolega  from 
aldrum  &  uuSuttum  &  aldormonnum  Sara  saeerda  &  of  sice 
k  Se  Sirda  dseg  eftarisa  =  quia  oporteret  eum  ire  hierosolymam 
et  multa  pati  a  senioribus  et  scribis  et  principibus  sacerdotum 
et  occidi  et  tertia  die  resurgere  (cf.  the  comments  on  arisa 
above);  17.10b;  24.6;  25.27.— Mk.  (4):  8.31b>c>d>e. 

—  sel,  happy,  fortunate  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  26.35:  <5eh  Se  seel 
sie  me  suelta  Sec  wi(5  =  etiamsi  oportuerit  me  mori  tecum. 

—  were,  work  (2)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  1.5,  6(  ?). 
gedsefniga,  be  fitting   (3):  L.   (1):  4.43:  cuoeS  forSon  & 

oSrum  ceastrum  gedcefned  mec  bodia  =  ait  quia  et  aliis  ciuita- 
tibus  oportet  me  euangelizare. — J.  (2)  :  10.16;  20.9. 

gerisa  (gehrisa),  be  fitting  (3):  L.  (3):  13.33a  (or  Sub- 
jective only?)  ;  24.26a'b:  ahne  Sas  geras  ge&rouia  crist  &  on  (5a 
wisa  ingeonga  in  wuldre  his  ?  —  nonne  haec  oportuit  pati 
chi*istum  et  ita  intrare  in  gloriam  suam  ?  [ W.  S. :  hu  ne  ge- 
byrede  criste  (5as  Sing  Soligean  &  swa  on  his  wuldor  gan,  in 
which  we  have  the  normal  West-Saxon  rendering  of  the  Latin 
accusative- with-infinitive  construction  as  subject  by  the  subject- 
ive infinitive  with  a  dative  dependent  on  the  main  verb.] 

nioma  (1),  usually  transitive  and  meaning  take,  but  here 
probably  intransitive  and  meaning  be  fitting  or  possible  (as  is 
probably  true  also  of  its  Latin  original,  capit) :  soS  hueSre 
gehriseS  uel  gedsefneS  me  todaeg  &  tomerne  &  Ssem  sefterfyl- 
gende  geonga  forSon  ne  nimed  witge  losia  buta  hierusalem  = 
uerumtamen  oportet  me  hodie  et  eras  et  sequenti  ambulare  quia 
non  capit  prophetam  perire  extra  hierusalem  (Rushw. :  ibidem; 
W.  S. :  DeahhwseSere  me  bebyreS  todseg  &  tomorhgen  &  <5y 
aefteran  dsege  gan,  forSam  Se  ne  gebyred  <5set  se  witega  for- 
wurde  butan  hierusalem.  [Although  I  do  not  find  in  any  of 
the  glossaries,  general  or  special,  the  definition  here  suggested 


140  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

for  nioma,  for  several  reasons  I  feel  confident  that  the  definition 
is  substantially  correct.  (1)  The  translation  suggested  is  in 
harmony  with  the  West-Saxon  version.  (2)  It  is  based  upon 
a  well-authenticated  use  of  capio,  as  a  reference  to  the  Latin 
dictionaries  will  show.  And  (3)  it  harmonizes  in  sense  with 
the  variant  readings  for  non  capit  (inpossibile  est  and  non  est 
possibile)  given  in  Wordsworth  and  White's  Nouum  Testa- 
mentum  Latine,  p.  409.] 

In  the  following  five  examples,  the  infinitive  phrase  is  the 
subject  of  the  passive  of  the  verb  indicated: — 

(ge)cuoeoa,  say,  declare  (1) :  J.  (1) :  I.  4.1b:  is  gecuoeden 
done  hcelend  fulguge  =  dicitur  iesum  baptizare. 

gedsefniga,  be  fitting  (2) :  J.  (2)  :  4.24:  gaast  is  god  &  &a 
forSon  geuorSias  hine  in  gast  &  soSfsestnisse  is  gedcefned 
uordia  =  spiritus  est  deus  et  eos  quia  adorant  eum  in  spiritu 
et  ueritate  oportet  adorare;  13.14. 

(ge)hata,  promise  (2):  /.  (2):  I.  7.8a>b:  hine  sib  gesealla 
him  &  sib  forleta  gehaten  bid  uel  is  =  seque  pacem  dare  eis 
pacemque  relimquere  pollicetur. 

ORIGIN   OF   THE   IDIOM 

In  all  of  the  aforementioned  examples  of  the  uninflected  Pre- 
dicative Infinitive  except  one  (J.  13.14),  the  accusative-with- 
infinitive  phrase  translates  the  same  idiom  of  the  Latin  origi- 
nal ;  in  the  exceptional  instance,  the  Latin  has  a  complementary 
infinitive.  Although  this  idiom  of  the  Latin  is  avoided  about 
29  times  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  influence  of  the  Latin 
accusative-with-infinitive  phrase  as  subject  is  much  stronger  in 
Xorthumbrian  than  in  West-Saxon,  in  which  latter  the  idiom 
is  so  generally  avoided  that  by  most  Old  English  scholars  the 
idiom  has  been  declared  non-existent  in  West-Saxon.  As  al- 
ready indicated,  this  is  an  error ;  but,  as  was  incidentally  stated 
above,  p.  139,  under  gerisa,  the  normal  West-Saxon  (and  nor- 
mal Germanic)  rendering  of  the  Latin  subjective  accusative- 
with-infinitive  construction  is  the  subjective  infinitive  (either 
uninflected  or  inflected)  with  a  dative  dependent  on  the  main 


The  Infinitive  141 

verb  or  verbal  phrase.  Concerning  this  idiom  in  West-Saxon 
and  in  the  other  Germanic  languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  124-125,  214,  and  245-247. 

II.      INFLECTED 

Of  the  inflected  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Sub- 
ject, in  the  subjective  use,  I  have  found  but  two  examples,  one 
phrase  being  the  subject  of  a  passive  verb: — 

bia(n)  (wosa),  be,  plus  rehtlic,  proper  (1):  L.  (1):  I. 
7.20 :  onsione  heofnes  cunnande  rehtlice  were  tid  to  oncnauanne 
eawunga  &  sec  geSiodsumnise  to  Sseni  fionde  on  woeg  fore- 
saegeS  =  faciem  caeli  probantes  debere  tempus  intellegere  mani- 
festum  atque  consentiendum  aduersario  in  uia  pronuntiat. 

gedsefniga,  be  fitting  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  21.9:  gedcefned  is  serist 
das  to  ivosanne  =  oportet  primum  haec  fieri. 

ORIGIN   OF   THE   IDIOM 

Here  the  inflection  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  is  clearly 
due  to  the  influence  of  the  dative-governing  adjective  (rehtlic) 
and  verb  (gedcefniga). 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

Of  the  strictly  passive  infinitive  (that  is,  of  the  infinitive 
made  up  of  bia(n)  (wosa)  plus  the  perfect  participle),  as  the 
Predicate  of  an  Accusative  Subject,  in  subjective  clauses,  I 
have  found  no  clear  example.  But,  as  shown  in  my  running 
comments  on  the  active  infinitive  in  section  A  above,  pp.  127  if., 
several  of  the  uninflected  infinitives  that  are  active  in  form 
translate  Latin  passive  infinitives,  and  appear  themselves  to  be 
passive  in  sense. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction. 
In  sentences  like  the  following  we  have  what  for  lack  of  a 
better  name  I  have  denominated  "  the  Elliptical  Accusative- 
with-Infinitive  Construction,"  in  which  the  infinitive  is  to  be 


142  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

supplied  both  in  the  gloss  and  in  the  Latin  original: — Mat.  I. 
20.4:  gedrouende  liine  forescegde  =  Passurum  se  prcenuntians  ; 
Mk.  I.  4.14a:  ec  forecueB  hine  slaende  =  Item  praedicens  se 
occidendum.  But  this  idiom,  of  which  several  varieties  occur, 
belongs  rather  in  the  section  (xv)  entitled  "  Some  Substitutes 
for  the  Infinitive,"  where  it  is  treated  at  length. 

2.  An  Inflected  Predicative  Infinitive  without  "  To  "  occurs 
in  Mat,  I.  20.11,  in  L.  I.  10.15,  and  in  J.  I.  8.2  (quoted  on 
pp.  135  and  136). 

APPENDIX    VI 

THE    PREDICATIVE     INFINITIVE    WITH    ACCUSATIVE    SUBJECT    IN 
THE    OTHER    GERMANIC   LANGUAGES 

Since  the  publication  of  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  in 
1913,  there  have  come  to  my  attention  several  articles  that  deal 
with  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  in 
some  one  of  the  Germanic  languages,  and  that  call  for  brief 
notice  here. 

In  the  first  number  of  Vol.  xxxix  of  Paul  and  Braune's  Bei- 
triige  zur  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Sprache  und  Literatur,  pp. 
201-209,  issued  in  September,  1913,  about  two  months  after 
the  publication  of  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Dr.  M.  J.  van 
der  Meer  published  an  instructive  study  of  "  Der  Gotische  Ace. 
c.  Inf.  in  Subjectsatzen  und  nach  Swaei  und  Swe."  In  this 
article  Dr.  van  der  Meer  gives  detailed  consideration  to  each 
/nstance  of  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  in  subjec- 
tive clauses,  in  the  Greek  original  (about  15  examples)  and  in 
the  Gothic  translation  (about  two  examples),  and  re-affirms  the 
view,  earlier  expressed  by  himself,  by  Professor  Streitberg,  and 
by  a  number  of  the  elder  Gothic  scholars,22  that  the  construction 
in  Gothic  is  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Greek  original.  I  was 
glad  to  find  this  fresh  and  independent  confirmation  of  the  view 
expressed  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  (which  latter  had 
appeared  too  recently  to  be  seen  by  Dr.  van  der  Meer) ,  that,  not 
only  in  Gothic,  but  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  the 

21  These  are  mentioned  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  245. 


The  Infinitive  143 

aecu^ative-with-infinitive  construction  is  a  borrowed  idiom  in 
subjective  clauses.  Dr.  van  der  Meer  was  in  error,  however,  in 
declaring,  as  he  did  in  the  opening  sentence  of  his  article,  that 
this  construction  is  not  found  in  any  of  the  older  Germanic 
languages  except  Gothic :  "  Weil  diese  constructionen  in  den 
anderen  altgermanischen  sprachen  nicht  vorkommen,  bis  jetzt 
wenigstens  noch  nicht  nachgewiesen  sind,"  etc.  At  least  one 
example  occurs  in  Tatian  (187.9:  gilimphit  mih  gangan  = 
oportet  me  ambulare),  according  to  Dr.  A.  Denecke,  in  his  Der 
Gebrauch  des  Infinities  bei  den  Althochdeutschen  Uebersetzern 
des  8.  und  9.  Jahrhunderts,  a  Leipzig  dissertation  of  1880. 
And  about  fourteen  examples  occur  in  West-Sax^n.  In  both 
languages  the  construction  is  directly  due  to  the  influence  of 
the  Latin  original:  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  124- 
125,  214,  245-246. 

Of  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construction  in  Dutch,  I 
gave  no  account  in  my  section  on  this  idiom  in  the  Germanic 
languages  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  241-248.  But 
I  wish  now  to  call  attention  to  the  treatment  of  this  subject  by 
Dr.  W.  L.  van  Helten,  in  his  "  Over  den  Afhankelijken  Infini- 
tief  zonder  Te,"  in  the  Tijdschrift  voor  Nederlandsche  Taal-  en 
Letterhunde,  x,  1891,  pp.  237-240 ;  and  by  Dr.  F.  A.  Stoett,  in 
his  Middelnederlandsche  Spraakkunst:  Syntaxis,  edition  of 
1889,  p.  34.  Dr.  Stoett  declares  that  this  construction  in  Dutch 
is  due  to  Latin  influences:  "  In  't  mnl.  vindt  men  na  sommige 
werkwoorden  meermalen  eene  constructie  met  den  accusativus 
cum  infinitivo,  hoogst  waarschijnlijk  als  eene  navolging  uit  het 
Latijn.  Die  werkwoorden  zijn  sien,  mercken,  vernemen,  fin- 
den,  weten,  horen,  voelen,  laten,  seggen,  doen,  heeten." 

IX.     THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  DATIVE  SUBJECT 

Several  scholars  of  great  distinction,  as  Jacob  Grimm  and 
Professor  Wilhelm  Streitberg,  hold  that,  in  the  Gothic  Mark 
2.23  (jah  warp  pairhgaggan  imma  pairh  atisk  =  ical  iyeveTo 
TrapaTTopeveadai  avrov  .  .  .  Sid  rdv  <nropi/AQ)v),  we  have  a  Predi- 
cative Infinitive  with  a  Dative  Subject  substantially  identical 


144  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

with  the  well-known  predicative  infinitive  with  an  accusative 
subject,  as  illustrated  in  the  Greek  original  of  the  passage  just 
quoted.  In  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  127-131,  214, 
248-252,  I  have  tried  to  give  reasons  for  the  belief  there  stated 
that  in  this  and  similar  Gothic  passages  we  have  not  a  predi- 
cative, but  a  subjective,  infinitive,  and  that  the  dative,  instead 
of  being  the  subject  of  the  infinitive,  is  dependent  upon  the 
chief  verb ;  in  a  word,  that  there  is  no  real,  but  only  an  apparent, 
predicative  infinitive  with  a  dative  subject  in  Gothic.  I  added, 
however,  that  if,  in  the  Gothic  passages  in  question,  the  infini- 
tive is  to  be  considered  predicative  and  to  have  a  dative  subject, 
I  thought  that  we  should  consider  that  we  have  a  dative-with- 
infinitive  construction  in  such  West-Saxon  passages  as  the  fol- 
lowing : — Mark  9.47 :  betere  fie  is  mid  anuni  eagan  gan  on 
Godes  rice  =  9.46 :  bonum  est  tibi  luscum  introire  in  regnum 
Dei;  Luke  24.26a'D:  Hu  ne  gebyrede  Criste  das  ding  doligean, 
and  swa  on  his  wuldor  gan?  =  ISTonne  haec  oportuit  pati  Chris- 
tum, et  ita  intrare  in  gloriam  suam  ?  I  further  added  that,  al- 
though the  phrase,  "  the  dative  with  infinitive/'  in  the  sense 
assigned  to  it  by  Grimm,  is  usually  restricted  to  the  dative  with 
infinitive  after  impersonal  verbs,  I  could  not  see  why,  if  the 
phrase  is  to  be  used  at  all,  it  should  not  be  used  with  reference, 
also,  to  the  dative  with  infinitive  after  certain  personal  verbs, 
as  in  the  West-Saxon  Luke  9.59 :  alyf  me  22  aeryst  bebyrigean 
minne  fseder  =  permitte  mihi  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem 
meum.  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  we  do  not  have  a  true 
predicative  infinitive  in  such  locutions,  Gothic  or  Anglo-Saxon. 
It  may  be  well,  however,  to  see  how  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  ren- 
ders the  Latin  original  (a  predicative  infinitive  with  an  accusa- 
tive subject)  in  these  passages.  In  the  15  examples  of  an  in- 
finitive and  a  dative  cited  by  me  from  the  West-Saxon  Gospels 
on  pages  127-129  of  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  all  but  three 
have  a  predicative  infinitive  with  an  accusative  subject  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels.     In  these  three  we  have  in  all  probability, 

22  Me,  of  course,  may  here  be  an  accusative,  but,  in  the  monograph  re- 
ferred to,  I  have  given  reasons  for  considering  it  a  dative. 


The  Infinitive  145 

as  in  West-Saxon,  a  subjective  or  objective  infinitive  with  a 
dative  dependent  on  the  main  verb : — Mark  9.47 :  god  is  6e 
anege  ingeonga  in  ric  godes  =  bonum  est  tibi  luscum  introire 
in  regnum  dei ;  Matthew  17. 4a:  god  is  us  her  to  wossanne  23  = 
bonum  est  nos  hie  esse  (West-Saxon  with  inflected23  infinitive 
also:  god  ys  us  her  to  beonne)  ;  Luke  9.59:  forgef  uel  gelef  me 
aerist  geonga  &  (sic)  Sset  ic  byrga  faeder  min  =  permitte  mihi 
primum  ire  et  sepelire  patrem  meum.  The  Latin  influence, 
therefore,  is  stronger  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  than  in  the 
West-Saxon  Gospels:  in  the  former  the  Latin  accusative-with- 
infinitive  construction  is  usually  kept ;  in  the  latter  it  is  usually 
rendered  by  a  subjective  or  objective  infinitive  and  a  dative 
dependent  on  the  finite  verb, — the  latter  a  native  Germanic 
idiom. 

APPENDIX    VII 

THE    PREDICATIVE    INFINITIVE    WITH    DATIVE    SUBJECT    IN    THE 
OTHER    GERMANIC    LANGUAGES 

Since  the  publication  of  my  chapter  on  the  so-called  "  Predi- 
cative Infinitive  with  Dative  Subject  "  in  1913,  two  noteworthy 
articles  on  the  dative-with-infinitive  construction  have  been  pub- 
lished: the  late  Dr.  Erwin  Stimming's  Der  Accusativus  cum 
Infinitivo  im  Franzosischen  (=  Beihefte  zur  Zeitschrift  fur 
Romanische  Philologie,  Heft  lix),  Halle  a.  S.,  1915,  which  has, 
besides  numerous  scattered  passages,  a  whole  chapter  devoted 
to  the  dative  with  an  infinitive  in  French,  and  Professor  A.  M. 
Sturtevant's  "  Zum  Gotischen  Dativ  nach  Wairpan  mit  Infini- 
tiv,"  in  Modern  Language  Notes,  xxxir,  1917,  pp.  141-151.  Be- 
sides these  two  studies,  there  is  a  third  that  deserves  considera- 
tion here,  namely,  a  note  on  the  dative-with-infinitive  construc- 
tion by  Dr.  Wilhelm  Havers,  in  his  Untersuchungen  zur  Kasus- 
syntax  der  Indogermanischen  Sprachen  (=  Untersuchungen  zur 
Indogermunischen  Sprach-  und  Kulturwissenschaft,  Heft  in), 
Strassburg,  1911,  pp.  263-264,  which  work,  though  it  appeared 

23  Concerning  the  occasional  inflection  of  the  infinitive  in  this  construction, 
see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  129. 

10 


146  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

before  the  publication  of  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  in  1913, 
bad  escaped  my  notice.  It  will  be  convenient  to  take  up  the 
note  by  Dr.  Havers  first  and  the  chapter  by  Dr.  Stimming  last. 

After  explaining  that,  in  the  Gothic  Mark  4.25  {jah  saei  ni 
habaip  jah  patei  habaip  afnimada  imma  =  apdrjaerai  air'  avrov), 
"  hier  hat  Wulfila  gleichsam  ein  Kompromiss  geschaffen  zwisch- 
en  seiner  Muttersprache  und  dem  griech.  Text ;  ein  Zugestandnis 
an  erstere  ist  der  Dativ  imma  ohne  Proposition  af,  ein  Zuge- 
standnis an  die  Vorlage  die  AYahl  des  komponierten  afnimada 
statt  des  einfachen  nimada,"  Dr.  Havers  gives  this  footnote  con- 
cerning the  alleged  instances  of  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with 
Dative  Subject  in  Gothic,  I.  c,  p.  263:  "  So  erklaren  sich  auch 
die  Falle,  wo  dem  griech.  Akk.  c.  Inf.  im  Gotischen  scheinbar 
ein  Dativus  c.  Inf.  gegeniibersteht,  z.  B.  Mc.  2.23  jah  warp 
pairhgaggan  imma  .  .  .  pairh  atisk  =  ical  iyevero  Traparropev- 
ecrdai  avrov  .  .  .  8id  twv  (nropifxayv,  ahnlich  L.  6,  1.  Ein  Zuge- 
standnis an  den  griech.  Text  ist  hier  die  Stellung  des  imma 
hinter  dem  Infinitiv  entsprechend  dem  hinter  den  griech.  Inf. 
gestellten  avrov  \  ein  Zugestandis  dagegen  an  das  germanische 
Sprachempfinden  ist  die  Verbindung  des  warp  mit  dem  Dat. 
im  ma,  vgl.  L.  20,  14  ei  uns  wairpai  pata  arbi=  iva  fjficov  yevq- 
rai  7)  /c\npovop,ia.  Vgl.  iiber  diesen  scheinbaren  got.  Dat.  c.  Inf. 
ausser  Streitberg,  Got.  Elementarb.  §  318,  J.  Grimm,  Dtsch. 
Gram.  4,  131  Anm.,  der  hier  wegen  der  eigentumlichen  Stellung 
des  Dativs  einen  wirklichen  Dativus  c.  Inf.  annimmt,  Winkler, 
Germ.  Kasussynt.  S.  17,  Kohler  S.  289  f.,  van  der  Meer  §  57, 
Stolzenburg  Z.  f.  Dtsch.  Ph.  37  (1905)  S.  174.  Eine  Kom- 
promisskonstruktion  zeigt  auch  L.  2.6  usfullnodedun  dagos  du 
bairan  izai  =  irrXijo-dvo-av  ai  r/fiepai  rov  reicelv  avrrjv."  As  Dr. 
Havers  twice  uses  the  word  scheinbwr  (once  in  contrast  to 
Grimm's  wirklich)  in  describing  these  alleged  examples  of  this 
idiom,  I  take  it  that,  as  I  do,  he  considers  that  we  have  only  an 
apparent,  not  a  real,  Predicative  hifinitive  with  Dative  Subject ; 
indeed,  he  expressly  declares  that,  in  Mark  2.23,  imma  depends 
upon  warp.     And,  again  as  I  did  in  1913,  he  attributes  the  post- 


The  Infinitive  147 

position  of  the  dative,  of  which  fact  Grimm  and  Professor  Streit- 
berg  seek  to  make  so  much,  solely  to  the  influence  of  the  Greek. 

Professor  Sturtevant,  I.  c,  p.  141,  declares  his  belief  that  the 
Gothic  Dative  with  an  Infinitive  after  warp  (as  in  Mark  2.23, 
already  quoted  by  me)  is  a  genuine  Germanic  idiom.  And  he 
holds  that,  in  this  construction,  the  dative  is  more  closely  related 
to  the  infinitive  (presumably,  therefore,  as  subject,  as  held  by 
Grimm  and  by  Professors  Streitberg  and  Winkler)  than  to  the 
finite  verb,  warp,  for  he  explicitly  rejects  the  explanation  of  the 
dative  offered  by  A.  Kohler,24  that  the  dative  is  the  indirect 
object  of  warp,  and  that  the  infinitive  is  the  subject  of  warp, 
which  explanation  by  Kohler,  as  I  stated  in  1913,  seems  to  me 
the  correct  one.  To  the  Kohler  explanation,  however,  Professor 
Sturtevant  objects  that  it  would  preclude  our  considering  warp 
as  an  impersonal  verb  (p.  142)  :  "  Das  ware  nun  an  sich  ganz 
einleuchtend,  wenn  Kohler  nicht  durch  diese  Auffassung  ge- 
zwungen  ware,  den  Infinitiv  nach  wairpan  als  substantivisch 
aufzufassen,  wobei  das  Verbum  wairpan  dann  nicht  unperson- 
lich,  sondern  als  Pradikat  fur  das  infinitivische  Subjekt  stehen 
soil ;  vgl.  z.  B.  Mc.  2.23  warp  pairhgaggan  imma,  wo  nach  Kohler 
pairhgaggan  fiir  ein  nicht  existierendes  Substantiv  fiir  Durch- 
gang  steht,  '  das  etwa  *pairhgaggs  heissen  miisste,'  ebenso  *gaggs 
fiir  gaggan  (L.  6.1),  *swults  fiir  ga^wiltan  {L.  16.22)  usw." 
This  objection  seems  to  me  untenable,  for  I  cannot  see  that  to 
make  the  infinitive  the  subject  of  the  verb  robs  the  finite  verb 
of  its  impersonality  any  more  than  to  make  the  infinitive  phrase 
the  subject  of  the  finite  verb  (in  Greek  the  accusative  with  its 
infinitive,  in  Gothic  the  dative  with  its  infinitive,  with  the  modi- 
fiers of  the  infinitive  in  each  instance)  would  rob  the  finite  verb 
of  its  impersonality.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  verbs  like 
rain,  snow,  etc.,  most  impersonal  verbs  do  have  an  expressed 
subject,  usually  a  phrase  or  a  clause,  though  often  a  single  word, 

24  This  explanation  was  earlier  offered  by  Gabelentz  and  Loebe,  and  was 
later  advocated  by  Bernhardt,  but  these  scholars  are  not  mentioned  by 
Professor  Sturtevant:  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  249. 


148  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

an  infinitive.  The  position  just  stated  seems  substantially  iden- 
tical with  that  of  the  late  Professor  Wilmanns.  In  his  Deutsche 
Grammiatik,  in,  1  (1906 ),  §  64,  after  explicitly  declaring  of  the 
dative  in  the  dative-with-infinitive  construction  that  "  Der  Dativ 
lasst  sich  iiberall  als  abhangig  von  dem  regierenden  Pradikat 
auffassen,"  Professor  "Wilmanns  cites  examples  of  this  construc- 
tion after  impersonal  verbs  (galeikan,  wairpan),  and  expressly 
declares  that,  in  these  examples,  the  infinitive  is  the  subject  of 
the  finite  verb. 

If  I  understand  him  correctly,  Professor  Sturtevant  then  offers 
a  second  objection  to  the  Kohler  theory,  namely,  that  the  rela- 
tionship of  the  infinitive  to  the  finite  verb  must  be  the  same  in 
the  Gothic  translation  as  in  the  Greek  original  (p.  142  )  : 
"  Zwischen  dem  Dativ  des  entfernteren  Objekts  und  dem  Dativ 
in  engerer  Beziehung  zum  Infinitiv — d.  h.  dem  Dativ  der  Be- 
teiligung— ist  manchmal  keine  scharfe  Grenzlinie  zu  ziehen ;  sie 
lassen  sich  sogar  manchmal  nicht  unterscheiden,  und  gegen  Koh- 
ler's  Erklarung  des  Dativs  mit  Infinitiv  nach  wairpan  ware 
nichts  einzuwenden,  wenn  es  schon  festgestellt  ware,  dass  im 
Gotischen  der  Infinitiv  nicht  vom  Verbum  finitum  abhangig 
ist,25  gerade  wie  im  Griechischen.  Es  liegt  aber  kein  zwingen- 
der  Grand  vor,  dem  gotischen  Infinitiv  ein  anderes  syntaktisches 
Verhaltnis  zum  Verbum  finitum  (warp)  als  dem  griechischen 
Infinitiv  zum  Verbum  finitum  (iyevero)  zuzuschreiben."  26 
There  are  several  strong,  if  not  compelling,  reasons,  I  reply, 
for  considering  the  relationship  of  the  infinitive  to  the  finite  verb 
different  in  the  specified  Gothic  examples  from  that  of  the 
infinitive  to  the  finite  verb  in  the  Greek  originals.  (1)  As  the 
Gothic  uses  the  accusative  with  an  infinitive  after  wairpan  as 
well  as  a  dative  with  an  infinitive  after  that  verb,  it  is  highly 
probable  that  the  infinitive  in  the  two  idioms  is  to  be  construed 
differently,  as  suggested  by  Kohler.  (2)  In  somewhat  similar 
impersonal  locutions,  made  up  of  an  adjective  plus  the  verb  to  be, 
as  in  Luke  18.25  (rapizo  allis  ist  ulbandau  .  .  .  pairhleipan  = 

25  The  italics  here  are  Professor  Sturtevant's. 
2*  The  italics  here  are  mine. — M.  C,  Jr. 


The  Infinitive  149 

euKoircorepov  yap  icrrt  tcdprfkov  .  .  .  elcreXdeiv),  cited  by  Profes- 
sor Stiirtevant  himself  (p.  142),  most,  if  not  all,  Gothic  scholars 
consider  that  the  infinitive  in  the  Gothic  is  the  subject  of  ist, 
though  they  consider  that,  in  a  passage  like  Luke  16.17  (ip 
azetizo  ist  Mmin  jah  aiifa  hindarleipan  pan  witodis  ainana  writ 
gadriusan  =  evKoirwrepov  Se  eariv  tov  ovpavov  icai  r-qv  yr\v  irapeX- 
delv  r)  tov  vo/jlov  fjbtav  icepaiav  ireaeiv),  in  which  we  have  in 
(  rothic  as  in  Greek  an  accusative  with  an  infinitive,  the  infinitive 
is  the  predicate  of  the  accusative  subject  in  Gothic  as  in  Greek. 
How  Professor  Sturtevant  would  construe  the  infinitive  in  the 
former  example  is  not  clear  to  me  from  his  footnote  on  p.  142, 
where  he  speaks  of  these  two  constructions ;  but,  from  footnote 
7  on  p.  143,  I  presume  that  he  considers  the  dative-with-infini- 
tive  construction  after  an  adjectival  predicate  to  be  on  the  same 
footing  as  after  warp.  In  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp. 
127-128,  I  called  attention  to  this  double  construction  of  the 
infinitive  with  an  adjective  plus  is  or  was  in  West-Saxon,  and 
stated  that,  when  accompanied  by  a  dative,  the  infinitive  is  the 
subject  of  the  impersonal  verb  {is  or  was).  In  the  Gothic 
Luke  18.25,  quoted  above,  Professor  Wilmanns.  /.  c.  §  64, 
considers  the  infinitive  the  subject  of  ist.  (3)  We  have  a  simi- 
lar interchange  of  predicative  infinitive  and  of  substantival  in- 
finitive after  certain  transitive  verbs  in  Latin,  in  Gothic,  in  Old 
High  German,  and  in  Anglo-Saxon.  For  the  Latin,  take  the 
Vulgate  Matthew  8.21  (permitte  me  primum  ire,  et  sepelire 
patrem  meum),  with  its  predicative  infinitive,  over  against  Luke 
9.59  (permitte  milii  primum  ire,  et  sepelire  patrem  meum), 
with  its  objective  infinitive.  For  the  Gothic,  contrast  Luke 
v.i".»  (unte  anabaud  alimin  ('amma  unhrainjin  usgaggan  at' 
I'amma  mann  =  TraprjyyeWev  yap  ra>  irvevfiarc  ra>  atcaQaprw 
i^e\0elv  airb  tov  avdpdoirov)  with  1  Timothy  6.13  (anabiudo 
.  .  .  fastan  puh  po  anabusn  =  TrapayyeXXco  .  .  .  Trjprjcrai  <re 
Tr)v  ivToXr)v).  According  to  Professor  Wilmanns,  I.  c,  §  65,  3, 
only  once  is  analnudan  found  with  an  infinitive  and  an  accusa- 
tive, the  usual  construction  being  with  an  infinitive  and  a  dative. 
Similarly  Dr.  Denecke,  in  his  Der  Gebrauch  des  Infinitivs  bei 


150  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

den  Althochdeutschen  U  ebersetzem  des  8.  und  9.  Jahrhunderts, 
a  Leipzig  dissertation  of  1880,  p.  41,  states  that,  in  Tatian, 
gabiotan  is  usually  followed  by  a  dative  with  an  infinitive,  as  in 
120.3  (gibot  uns  Moyses  in  thesa  uuisun  zi  steinonne27  = 
Moyses  mandavit  nobis  huiusmodi  lapidare),  but  is  once  fol- 
lowed by  an  accusative  and  an  infinitive,  as  in  80.7  (Inti  sar 
gibot  her  thie  iungiron  stigan  in  skef  =  Et  statim  iussit  disci- 
pulos  ascendere  in  navicula).  In  Anglo-Saxon,  likewise,  this 
interchange  of  dative  and  of  accusative  is  found  after  bebeodan, 
1  command  ' : —  Wcerferd  9.31  gives  us  the  dative:  hu  he  bebead 
Ssere  ncedran  (5a  wyrta  to  healdenne  (with  no  corresponding 
Latin)  ;  while  Exodus  2l7a  gives  us  the  accusative:  o(5  Moyses 
bebead  eorlas  .  .  .  folc  somvnigemi.  In  all  these  Germanic 
examples  in  (3),  when  the  dative  is  used  with  the  infinitive, 
the  infinitive  is  the  object  of  the  finite  verb;  but,  when  the  accu- 
sative is  used  with  the  infinitive,  the  infinitive  is  the  predicate 
of  the  accusative  noun  or  pronoun, — a  distinction  again  made 
by  Professor  Wilmanns  (I.  c,  §  65,  1-3).  Similarly  to  differ- 
entiate the  infinitive  with  the  accusative  after  warp  from  the 
infinitive  with  the  dative  after  ivarp  seems  to  me  equally  rea- 
sonable,  if  not  necessary. 

Professor  Sturtevant  proceeds  to  give  the  positive  grounds 
for  his  belief  that  the  dative  with  an  infinitive  is  a  genuine 
Germanic  construction.  First,  because  in  only  one  instance 
(Luke  4.36)  is  the  Greek  accusative  with  infinitive,  when  ren- 
dered by  an  infinitive  construction,  turned  otherwise  than  by 
an  infinitive  with  a  dative,  of  which  latter  construction  five 
examples  occur  in  the  Gothic.  Second,  kindred,  if  not  iden- 
tical, constructions  are  found  in  the  North  Germanic  and  in  the 
West  Germanic  languages.  Here  Dr.  Sturtevant  cites,  among 
other  examples,  the  two  following  (p.  145)  :  (1)  "  Vgl.  anord. 
pat  verdr  mbrgum  manni  at  um  myrkvan  staf  villish  (Egliss. 
Vers),  '  es  geschieht  manchem  Manne,  dass  ' — ,  '  er  kommt  in 
den  Fall,  wird  genotigt —  '  usw.  mit  got.   warp  pairhgaggan 

27  Concerning  the  inflection  of  the  infinitive  here  and  in  the  Anglo-Saxon 
example  below,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  129  and  250-251. 


The  Infinitive  151 

imma,  i  es  geschah  ihm,  dass  ' — '  es  begab  sich,  dass  er  hin- 
durehging.'  Im  Anord.  steht  (gerade  wie  im  Gotischen)  die 
Person,  die  an  der  Verbalhandlung  beteiligt  ist,  im  Dativ ;  " 
and  (2)  he  compares  the  old  High  German  "  iz  uuirdit  ethe- 
suuane  iu  zi  wizanne  (Otfrid  iv.  11,  28)  mit  anord.  pat  verdr 
morgum  manni — at  villisk  und  mit  got.  warp  pairhgaggan 
imma."  These  two  examples  seem  to  me  the  most  pertinent  for 
his  purpose  of  all  cited  by  Dr.  Sturtevant,  and  yet  by  no  means 
to  prove  the  existence  of  a  predicative  infinitive  with  dative 
subject  in  Old  Norse,  in  Old  High  German,  or  in  Gothic.  In 
each  of  the  two  examples,  it  seems  to  me,  the  infinitive  is  sub- 
stantival, not  predicative,  and  is  in  apposition  to  the  intro- 
ductory pronoun  (pat,  iz).  In  other  words,  the  examples  seem 
to  me  to  favor  the  Kohler  explanation  of  the  dative  with  infini- 
tive rather  than  the  Grimm-Streitberg-Sturtevant  explanation. 
Let  me  add  that  in  1913,  as  I  now  do,  I  not  only  admitted  that 
an  infinitive  with  a  dative  was  found  in  the  Germanic  lan- 
guages, but  I  cited  not  a  few  examples  thereof  from  several  of 
the  Germanic  languages,  including  Old  Norse  and  Old  High 
German.  What  I  denied  was,  and  is,  that  the  infinitive  here 
is  a  predicative  infinitive  having  a  dative  subject.  To  me,  the 
infinitive  seemed,  as  claimed  by  Kohler  and  Havers,  substan- 
tival ;  and  the  dative  seemed,  not  the  subject  of  the  infinitive, 
but  a  complement  of  the  finite  verb.  And,  despite  Dr.  Sturte- 
vant's  interesting  article,  this  view  of  1913  is  all  the  stronger 
to-day. 

The  most  important  factor  in  the  origin  of  the  dative  with 
an  infinitiv  is  not  mentioned  by  Professor  Sturtevant.  The 
true  explanation,  as  I  believe,  not  only  for  the  Slavic  languages, 
but  also  for  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  was  long  ago 
given  by  Miklosich,  who  tells  us  that,  in  the  Slavic  languages, 
where  the  construction  is  most  frequent,  the  dative  with  infini- 
tive (after  impersonal  verbs)  arose  because  of  the  very  large 
number  of  dative-governing  verbal  nouns  therein:  see  The  In- 
finitive in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  128,  and  the  references  there  given. 
Similarly,  as  T  have  tried  to  show  in  the  monograph  just  re- 


152  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisf&nie  Gospels 

ferred  to,  the  dative  with  infinitive  occurs  most  commonly,  in 
the  Germanic  languages,  after  dative-governing  verbs  or  verbal 
phrases,  though,  naturally  enough,  at  times,  by  analogy,  the 
idiom  occurs  also  after  impersonal  verbs  and  verbal  phrases 
that  do  not  govern  a  dative  object.  As  for  the  transitive  verbs 
that  are  at  times  followed  by  a  dative  with  infinitive  along  with 
the  accusative  with  infinitive  in  the  Germanic  languages,  as 
certain  verbs  of  Commanding,  illustrated  on  p.  150  above,  the 
two-fold  construction  rests  partly  on  the  double  regimen  of  the 
personal  verbs  in  question,  which  govern  noun  objects  in  both 
the  dative  and  the  accusative,  and  partly  on  the  influence  of  the 
Greek  and  Latin  originals. 

In  his  opening  paragraph  Professor  Sturtevant  declares  that 
no  thorough  comparison  of  the  Gothic  Dative-with-Infinitive 
Construction  with  the  similar  construction  in  the  other  Ger- 
manic languages  has  been  made :  "  Diese  dem  Gotischen  schein- 
bar  eigentumliche  Konstruktion,  die  zur  Ubersetzung  des 
griechischen  e<yevero  nrit  Infinitiv  und  Akkusativ  der  Person 
dient,  ist  schon  von  Kohler,  Winkler  und  anderen  2S  behandelt 
worden.  Jedoch  fehlt  es  meines  Wissens  noch  immer  an  einer 
einigermassen  griindlichen  Vergleichimg  der  betreffenden  Kon- 
struktion im  Gotischen  mit  den  syntaktischen  Verhaltnissen  der 
iibrigen  germanischen  Sprachen,29  besonders  mit  denen  des 
ISTordgermanischen,  das  im  allgemeinen  dem  Gotischen  syntak- 
tisch  naher  verwandt  ist  als  das  Westgermanische."  And,  in 
his  concluding  paragraph,  he  again  laments  the  lack  of  such 
comparative  studies  of  Gothic  syntactical  problems :  "  Das  Stu- 
dium  der  gotischen  Syntax  leidet  immer  noch  daran,  dass  man 
geneigt  ist,  sich  ausschliesslich  auf  das  Gotische  zu  beschranken, 
statt  auf  die  Syntax  der  iibrigen  germanischen  Sprachen  ge- 
buhrende  Riicksicht  zu  nehmen.      Dieses  Verfahren  ware  in 

28  In  a  footnote  Professor  Sturtevant  gives  specific  references  for  the 
discussion  of  this  idiom  in  Gothic  by  A.  Kohler,  by  H.  Winkler,  and  by  J. 
Grimm,  which,  however,  need  not  be  given  here. 

29  He  here  quotes,  in  a  footnote,  a  sentence  from  Professor  Streitberg's 
Gotisches  Elementarbuch,  §  234,  2,  on  the  value  of  such  a  comparative  study 
of  Gothic  constructions. 


The  Infinitive  153 

der  Formenlehre  doch  unerhort."  Dr.  Sturtevant's  citations 
from  Old  Norse  have  done  something  towards  filling  up  the  gap 
complained  of.  It  is  unfortunate,  however,  that,  in  his  own 
article,  he  takes  no  account  of  the  previous  comparative  studies 
of  the  dative-with-infinitive  construction  given  in  my  own  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Professor  W.  Wilmanns's  Deutsche 
(irammatik,  ni,  1,  Strassburg,  1906,  and  the  classical  works  by 
F.  Miklosich,  "  Ueber  den  Accusativns  cum  Infinitivo,"  Wien, 
IS 69,  and  by  Professor  J.  Jolly,  Geschichte  des  Infinitivs  im 
I  ndogermanischen,  Miinchen,  1873. 

Dr.  Stimming  makes  several  very  interesting  statements  con- 
cerning the  dative-with-infinitive  construction  in  French  which 
at  the  same  time  have  a  bearing  (not  stated  by  him)  on  this 
construction  in  the  Germanic  languages.  On  pp.  101-103,  for 
example,  he  tells  us  that  certain  verbs  of  Commanding  {com- 
mander, rover,  etc.),  though  originally  followed  by  an  accu- 
sative with  infinitive,  came  to  be  followed,  also,  by  a  dative  with 
infinitive;  and  that  the  double  construction  with  the  infinitive 
is  probably  due  to  the  double  regimen  of  the  finite  verbs  in 
question,  which  governed  a  noun  object  in  the  accusative  and 
the  dative, — the  very  explanation  that  had  been  offered  by  me 
for  the  double  construction  of  the  infinitive  with  verbs  of  Com- 
manding and  of  Allowing  in  Anglo-Saxon:  see  The  Infinitive 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  129-130.  Again,  on  pp.  111-113,  we  learn 
that  certain  Impersonal  verbs  (convient,  estuet,  etc.),  though 
originally  followed  by  an  accusative  with  infinitive,  likewise 
came  to  be  followed  by  the  dative  with  infinitive,  probably,  Dr. 
Stimming  thinks,  because  of  the  datival  sense  in  these  verbs, — 
a  close  parallel  to  the  explanation  offered  by  me  for  the  double 
construction  of  the  infinitive  after  god  is,  gebyrede,  and  other 
impersonal  verbs  and  verbal  phrases:  see  The  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  127-129.  Finally,  he  gives  a  whole  chapter 
to  "  Die  Dativkonstruktion  bei  Faire,  Laisser  und  den  Verben 
der  Sinnliehen  Wahrnehmung,"  pp.  69-91,  as  in  the  Modern 
French  Je  les  lui  fais  (Imsse,  vois)  examiner,  '  I  make  (let, 


154  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

see)  him  examine  them.'  30  In  this  third  group  of  verbs  as  in 
the  two  preceding  groups,  Dr.  Stimming  speaks  of  the  dative 
as  the  subject  of  the  infinitive;  but  he  is  probably  using  the 
term  subject  in  the  loose  sense  of  logical  subject,  since  he  is 
careful  to  state,  p.  188,  that  "  Bei  faire,  laisser,  voir,  ouir, 
entendre  und  mittelfranzosisch  souffrir  =  laisser  hat  man  in 
ihm  [  the  Dative]  wahrscheinlich  mit  H.  F.  Muller  den 
'  datif  de  Fagent  du  passif,'  nach  Tobler  einen  Kasus  der  Be- 
teiligung  zu  sehen."  Professor  Armstrong,  let  me  add,  in  the 
examples  above  given,  speaks  of  fori  as  the  object  of  the  finite 
verb,  not  the  subject  of  the  infinitive.  But,  whether  Dr.  Stim- 
ming considers  the  dative  after  these  several  groups  of  verbs  as 
the  grammatical  subject  and  the  infinitive  as  the  grammatical 
predicate,  he  is  quite  right,  I  think,  in  extending  the  use  of 
the  phrase,  "  the  dative  with  infinitive,"  to  the  dative  and  infini- 
tive after  personal  verbs  as  well  as  after  impersonal  verbs  and  in 
not  restricting  the  latter  class  to  a  single  verb  like  wa/rp  of  the 
Gothic.  Moreover,  as  already  implied,  Dr.  Stimming  has  un- 
wittingly furnished  several  happy  French  parallels  to  the  dative- 
with-infinitive  construction  in  Anglo-Saxon. 

Finally,  let  me  add  that,  in  his  recent  Kurze  Historische  Syn- 
tax der  Deutschen  Sprache  (1915),  p.  92,  Professor  Hans 
Xaumann  holds  that  the  dative,  in  the  dative-with-infinitive 
construction,  depends  upon  the  finite  verb  except  in  the  Gothic : 
"  Es  wird  auch  Xiemand  daran  zweifeln,  dass,  wenn  das  '  Sub- 
jekt '  des  Tnfinitivs  im  Dativ  steht,  dieser  nicht  vom  Tnfinitiv. 
sondern  vom  Hauptverb  abhangt,  vgl.  got.  gebun  imma  drig- 
Jcan  31  wein,  galeikada  jah  mis  meljan;  ahd.  guot  ist  tins  hir  zi 
wesanne;  ich  erlaube  ihm  zu  gehen.  Hierher  auch  mit  Ver- 
schiebung  des  Abhangigkeitsverhaltnisses  der  gotische  '  Dativus 
cum  Infinitivo,'  vgl.  warf>  gaswiltan  pamma  unledin."     As  al- 

M  This  example  is  taken  from  Professor  E.  C.  Armstrong's  Syntax  of  the 
French  Verb,  second  edition,  New  York,  1915,  p.  9. 

31  This  seems  to  me  an  infelicitous  example,  as  I  consider  drigkan  to 
denote  purpose  here:  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  148,  Note  6. 


The  Infinitive  155 

ready  intimated  in  preceding  paragraphs,  I  hold  that  no  con- 
vincing proof  has  ever  been  offered  that  a  shifting  of  depend- 
ence from  the  finite  verb  to  the  infinitive  took  place  in  Gothic ; 
to  me  the  last  Gothic  example  of  the  dative-with-infinitive  con- 
struction given  by  Professor  Nauniann  stands  on  substantially 
the  same  footing  as  the  second  Gothic  example  and  the  Old 
High  German  example  thereof  given  by  him,  in  each  of  which 
latter  he  admits  the  dependence  of  the  dative  upon  the  finite 
verb.  Again  I  am  pleased  to  see  the  phrase,  "  the  Dative  with 
Infinitive,"  extended  to  personal  as  well  as.  to  impersonal  verbs. 

So  far  as  I  can  see,  therefore,  the  studies  that  have  appeared 
of  the  dative-with-infinitive  construction  since  the  publication 
of  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  in  1913,  tend  to  confirm  the 
position  then  taken,  and  now  reaffirmed  with  reference  to  the 
Northumbrian  as  represented  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  that, 
in  the  dative-with-infinitive  construction,  whether  after  imper- 
sonal or  personal  verbs,  the  infinitive  is  substantival,  not  pre- 
dicative, in  function,  and  that  the  dative  is  more  intimately 
connected  with  the  finite  verb  of  its  clause  than  with  the  in- 
finitive. 

X.     THE  FINAL  INFINITIVE 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

1.    With  Active  Finite  Verb 

The  active  infinitive  denoting  Purpose,  with  active  verbs, 
occurs  about  124  times  (136  including  the  "Introductions") 
in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  Of  these  infinitives,  54  are  unin- 
flected,  and  82  are  inflected.  In  the  West-Saxon  Gospels,  there 
are  79  final  infinitives,  of  which  42  are  uninflected,  and  37 
are  inflected. 

The  final  infinitive  seems  to  me  dominantly,  if  not  exclu- 
sively, active  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form.  Possibly  the  inflected 
infinitive  in  Mat.  20.28a,  which  translates  a  Latin  passive  in- 
finitive, is  passive  in  sense,  though  active  in  form :  sua  sunu 
monnes  ne  cuom  him  to  heranne  ah  he  to  embehtane  oSrum  & 


156  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

sella  sawel  his  eftlesing  uel  alesenis  fore  monigum  =  Sicut 
filius  hominis  non  uenit  ministrari  sed  ministrare  et  dare  ani- 
mam  suam  redemtionem  pro  multis  (Rushw. :  ne  cwom  Sset 
him  wcere  dcegnad  ah  he  Ssegnade ;  W.  S. :  ne  com  (5set  him  man 
denode  ac  Saet  he  Senode).  Some  would  hold  that  the  inflected 
infinitives  in  Mat.  20.19a'b>c,  which  translate  a  Latin  ad  plus  a 
gerund,  are  passive  in  sense :  sellas  hine  ha?Snum  to  telenne  uel 
to  besuicanne  &  to  suinganne  &  to  hoanne  =  tradent  eum  genti- 
bus  ad  deludendum  et  flagellandum  et  crucifigendum.  But  to 
me  the  infinitive  in  such  cases  seems  active  in  sense  as  in  form, 
for  reasons  that  are  stated  in  detail  in  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  p.  132,  and  that  need  not  be  repeated  here. 

I.  Only  the  uninflected  Final  Infinitive  is  found  with  these 
verbs : —  32 

bringa  (1),  bring  (W.  S. :  I.  (6)  only). 

foregeonga  (1),  precede  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

gecuma  (2),  come  (W.  S. :  I.   (1)  only). 

giwiga  (1),  request  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

iorna  (1),  run  (W.  S.:  1.(1)  only). 

ofstiga  (1),  descend  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

winna  (1),  labor,  strive  (W.  S. :  I.  (2)  only). 

Typical  examples  are: — 

Mat.  28. 8D:  iornende  beada  uel  scecga  Segnum  his  =  cur- 
rentes  nuntiare  discipulis  eius. 

/.  4.33 :  senigmon  brohte  him  eatta?  =  aliquis  attidit  ei  man- 
ducare  ? 

J.  4.9  :  huu  .  .  .  drinca  from  mec  giues  (5u  ?  =  quomodo  .  .  . 
bibere  a  me  poscis? 

J.  I.  3.15a'b:  (5sette  ne  doema  ah  haele  gecuome  midgeard  & 
Sset  woere  aedeauad  cuse(5  uoerc  =  quod  non  iudicare  sed  saluare 
uenerit  mundum  et  manifestari  dicit  opera. 

32  The  figure  in  parenthesis  in  these  lists  indicates  the  number  of  occur- 
rences of  each  verb  in  this  construction.  For  the  sake  of  comparison,  I  give 
also  the  construction  of  each  verb  in  West-Saxon. 


The  Infinitive  157 

II.  The  Final  Infinitive  is  found  both  uninflected  and  in- 
flected with  these  verbs: —  33 

CUma  (7  and  28),  come  (W.  S. :  35  and  80). 

fara  (2  and  4),  go  (W.  S. :  5  and  15). 

foera  (10  and  4),  go   (W.  S. :  7  and  19). 

gegeonga  (1  and  1),  go   (W.  S. :  lacking). 

geonga  (2  and  7),  go   (W.  S.:  40  and  20). 

gesea  (1  and  2),  see   (W.  S. :  lacking). 

gesella  (2  and  1),  give  (W.  S. :  1  and  5). 

sella  (13  and  7),  give  (W.  S. :  257  and  76). 

senda  (8  and  3),  send  (W.  S. :  8  and  47). 

The  following  examples  are  typical: — 

Mat.  9.13:  ne  forSon  cuom  ic  geceige  so(5feaste  ah  synfullo 
=  non  enim  ueni  uocare  iustos  sed  peccatores. — Mat.  2.2 :  we 
cuomon  to  wordianne  hine  =  uenimus  adorare  enm. 

L.  7.24b:  forhuon  foerdon  gie  on  woestern  gesea?  =  quid  ex- 
istis  in  desertum  uidere? — Mk.  14.48:  gie  foerdon  mi(5  suor- 
dum  &  stengum  to  gefoanne  uel  to  Iceccanne  mec  =  existis  .  .  . 
comprehendere  me. 

Mat.  27.48b :  salde  him  drinca  =  dabat  ei  bibere. — Mat. 
14.16b:  seallas  him  ge  uel  iuh  eatta  =  date  illis  uos  manducare. 
— Mat.  20.19a>b>c,  with  three  inflected  infinitives  after  sella 
translating  Latin  ad  plus  three  gerundives  in  the  accusative,  is 
quoted  on  p.  156  above. 

MJc.  3.14:  Saette  sende  hia  bodiga  godspell  =  ut  mitteret  eos 
praedicare  euangelium. — Mk.  I.  218:  Segnas  to  bodanne  miS 
word  mi(5  gebrohtmn  msehtum  sended  =  discipulos  ad  praedi- 
candum  uerbo  conlatis  uirtutibus  mittet. 

III.  The  inflected  Final  Infinitive  only  is  found  with  the 
following  verbs : — 

arisa  (1),  arise  (W.  S.:  IT.,  2;  I.,  6). 
astiga  (1),  ascend  (W.  S. :  the  same). 
behalda  (1),  behold  (W.  S.:  the  same). 

33  In  this  list  the  first  figure  indicates  the  uninflected  infinitive;  the  sec- 
ond, the  inflected  infinitive. 


158  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

binda  (1),  bind  (W.  S.:  the  same). 

doa  (1),  do,  make  (\V.  S. :  the  same). 

eftgecerra  (1),  return  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

falla  (1),  fall  (W.  S.:  lacking). 

forecuma  (1),  precede   (W.  S. :  lacking). 

gearwiga  (1),  prepare  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

gecerra  (1),  return  (W.  S.:  XL,  1;  I.,  1). 

gemoeta  (1),  find  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

habba  (2),  have  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

infoera  (1),  enter  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

lseda  (1),  lead  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

setta  (1),  set  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

SOeca  (1),  seek  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

stiga  (1),  ascend  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

stonda  (2),  stand  (W.  S.:  IT.,  1;  I.,  3). 

tocuma  (1),  come  to  (W.  S. :  the  same). 

togeeca  (2),  add  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

ymbsceawiga  (1).  look  about  (W.  S. :  lacking). 

.V  few  examples  will  suffice : — 

Mat.  14.23 :  astag  in  mor  he  ana  to  biddanne  =  ascendit  in 
montem  solus  orare. 

Mat.  13.30b:  bindas  (5a  bunda  uel  byr(5eno  uel  sceafa  to  ber- 
nenne  =  alligate  ea  [in]  fasciculas  ad  coniburendum. 

Mat.  4.9 :  gif  (5u  f alias  uel  slsehtes  to  wordenne  uel  to  wordi- 
anne  mec  =  si  cadens  adoraueris  me. 

Mat.  2.13  woen  is  .  .  .  (5set  hero(5es  soecas  Sone  cnseht  to 
fordoanne  uel  to  forlosanne  hine  =  futurum  est  enim  ut  herodes 
quaerat  puerum  ad  perdendum  eum. 

L.  13.15 :  Icedes  to  wcetranne  =  ducit  ad  aquare. 

The  statistics  of  the  Final  active  infinitive  with  active  verbs 
in  full  are  as  follows  34  (U. :  54,  of  which  8  are  in  the  "  Intro- 
ductions "  ;  I. :  82,  of  which  5  are  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

arisa,  arise:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  L.  (1)  :  4.16. 

**  In  this  section,  besides  the  finite  verb    (the  initial  word)    I  give  the 
infinitive  when  uninflected,  but  not  when  inflected. 


The  Infinitive  159 

astiga,  ascend:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mat  (1):  14.23. 
behalda,  behold,  look:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1):  1.26. 
binda,  bind:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  13.30b. 
bringa,  bring:  U.  (1):— eatta,  eat  (1):  -/.  (1):  4.33. — I. 
(0). 
cuma,  come:  U.  ( 7 ) :— geceiga,  call  (1):  Ma£.  (1):  9.13. 

—  —  gedoa,  make  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  9.20. gefriga  (ge- 

friega),  liberate  (1)  :  i¥^.  (1) :  27.49b. gehalgiga,  save, 

sanctify  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  18.11. losiga,  destroy  (1)  :  Mk. 

(1):    1.24b. sella,   give    (1):    i¥^.    (1):    20.28c. 

senda,  send  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  10.34c.— I.  (28)  :  Mat.  (12)  :  2.2, 
8;  5.16a>b>c;  8.29  ;  10.34b,  35  ;  12.42  ;  20.28a>b;  28.1.— Mk.  (3): 
].24c;  2.17;  15.36.— L.  (8):  1.59;  4.34b;  5.32;  11.31;  12.49, 
51;  19.10a>b.— /.  (5):  1.31b;  I.  6.18,  19;  4.7,a,  15. 

doa,  do,  prepare:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  26.12. 
eftgecerra,  return:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mat.  (1)  :  24.18. 
falla,  fall:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mat.  (1):  4.9. 
fara,  go:  U.  (2) : — gearwiga,  prepare  (1) :  L.  (1) :  1.76. — 

—  inlihta,  illumine  (1):  L.  (1)  :  1.79*— I  (4):  Mk.  (1) : 
5.14.— L.  (3):  1.77,  79b;  14.31. 

foera,  go:  U.  (9): — efnegelseda,  lead,  conduct  (1):  Mat. 

(1):  20.1. gesea,  see   (7):  Mat.   (3):   11.7b,  8,  9.—L. 

(4)  :  7.24b,  25a,  26;  8.35,a. gewaecca,  awake,  arouse  (1) : 

Mk.  (1):  I.  3.7b— I.  (4):  Mk.  (1):  14.48.— L.  (3):  6.12; 
19.12'a>b. 

forecuma,  come  in  advance:  U.  (0). — I.  (1):  Mk.  (1)  : 
14.18. 

foregeonga,  precede,  go  in  advance:  U.  (1) : — gegearwiga, 
prepare  (1):  L.   (1):  1.17.— I.   (0). 

gearwiga,  prepare:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  26.17b. 

gecerra,  return:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  Mb.  (1):  13.16. 

gecuma,  come:  U.  (2): — doema,  judge  (1):  J.  (1):  I. 
3.15*. ^hsela,  save  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  I.  3.15b.— I.  (0). 

gegeonga,  gro.-U.  (1) : — gebidda,  pra?/  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  6.46. 
—I.  (1):  ¥^.  (1):  25.10. 

gemoeta,  find,  invent:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  6.7. 

geonga,  go:  U.  (3):— fisciga,  fish   (1):  •/.  (1):  21.3.— 


160  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

—  gegearwiga,  prepare  (1):  J.  (1):  14.2. sede,  sow 

(1):  Mat.  (1):  13.3b.— I.  (7):  Mat  (3):  5.24;  18.12;  26.55. 
— Mk.  (2) :  3.21;  4.3.— L.  (2) :  8.5;  14.19. 

gesea,  see:  U.  (1): — geworpa,  pluck  out  (1):  Mat.  (1): 
7.5.— I.  (2)  :  Mat.  (2) :  I.  1.7;  5.28. 

gesella,  give:  U.  (2) : — drinca  (dringa),  drink  (1) :  Mat. 

(1):  25.35b. eatta,  eat  (1):  Mat.  (1):  25.35a.— I.  (1): 

./.   (1):  6.52b. 

gesmiriga,  anoint:  U.  (0). — I.  (1):  L.  (1):  4.18a. 

glwiga,  request,  demand:  U.  (1)  : — drinca,  drink  (1):  J. 
(1):  4.9.-1.(0). 

habba,  have:  U.  (0).— I.  (2)  :  L.  (1)  :  14.28°.—/.  (1) :  4.32. 

innfoera,  enter:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1) :  14.1. 

iorna,  run:  U.  (1): — beada,  announce  (1):  .Mai.  (1) : 
28.8b.— I.  (0). 

laeda,  lead:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  L.  (1):  13.15. 

ofstiga,  descend:  U.  (1)  : — genioma,  carry  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  : 
24.17.— I.  (0). 

sella,  give:  U.  (13): — drinca,  drink  (5):  i¥a£.  (2): 
25.42b;     27.48b.—  Mk.     (1):     15.23.—./.     (2):    4.7b,     10.- 

—  eatta,  eat  (7) :  Mat.  (2) :  14.16b;  25.42a.— Mk.  (2) :  5.43b; 

6.37a.— L.  (2):  8.55b;  9.13.—/.  (1):  6.31. geeatta,  eat 

(1):  L.  (1):  I.  6.1.— I.  (7):  Mat.  (4):  20.19a>b>c;  27.34*.— 
Mk.  (3):  6.37b;  13.22;  15.15. 

senda,  send:  U.  (8) : — bodiga,  preach  (3) :  Mk.  (1) :  3.14. 
— L.  (2):  4.19a;  9.2a—     -  forleta,  forgive  (1):  /.  4.1SC.— 

-fulwiga  (fulguia),  baptize  (1) :  /.  (1)  :  1.33,a. ge- 

hrioppa,  reap  (1)  :  /.  (1)  :  4.38. haela,  heal  (1)  :  L.  (1)  : 

9.2b—  -togeceiga,  call  (1):  i^a^.  (1):  22.3.— I.  (3)  Ml. 
(1):  I.  2.18.— L.  (2):  4.18b;  14.17. 

setta,  set,  instruct  (translating  instituem)  :  U.  (0). — I.  (1)  : 
Mk.  (1):  I.  1.13. 

SOeca,  seek:  U.  (0).— I.  (1)  :  Mat.  (1) :  2.13. 

Stiga,  go:  U.  (0).— I.  (1):  L.  (1):  17.31. 

Stonda,  stand:  U.  (0).— I.  (2)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  6.5b.— Mk.  (1) : 
11.25. 


The  Infinitive  161 

tocuma,  come  to:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  23.48(  ?). 
togeeca,  add:  U.  (0).— I.  (2) :  L.  (2) :  20.11,  12. 
winna,  strive:  U.   (1) : — cweoba,  say  (1):  Mk.   (1):  I. 
1.11.— I.  (0). 
ymbsceawiga,  looh  about:  U.  (0).— I.  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  5.32. 

2.     With  Passive  Verbs 

Of  the  Final  active  infinitive  modifying  passive  verbs,  I 
have  found  only  one  example,  in  Mk.  7.4 :  oSero  menigo  sint  (5a 
Se  gesald  aron  Ssem  uel  him  to  haldanne  =  alia  multa  simt  quae 
tradita  sunt  illis  seruare. 

DIFFERENTIATION  OF  THE  TWO  INFINITIVES 

The  Differentiation  between  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the 
Inflected  Infinitive,  in  the  Final  Use,  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels, 
rests  upon  the  same  general  principles  as  in  West-Saxon.  Only 
the  uninflected  infinitive  is  found  after  a  few  verbs  (1)  of 
motion  and  (2)  of  giving,  listed  above  under  I,  which  list  differs 
somewhat,  but  not  fundamentally,  from  that  of  West-Saxon. 
But  the  uninflected  infinitive  and  the  inflected  infinitive  are 
each  found  with  a  larger  number  of  verbs  (1)  of  motion  and 
(2)  of  giving  (occasionally,  also,  with  gesea,  'see'),  listed 
above  under  II,  which  list  largely  coincides  with  the  correspond- 
ing list  in  West-Saxon.  Finally,  as  in  West-Saxon,  a  large 
number  of  verbs  of  varied  signification  is  found  with  the  in- 
flected infinitive  only.  These  verbs  are  given  under  III  above. 
For  the  corresponding  lists  in  West-Saxon,  see  The  Infinitive  in 
Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  133-145.  When  we  consider  the  lateness  of 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  and  the  fact  that  it  is  a  gloss  rather 
than  a  translation,  the  divergences  from  the  West-Saxon  appear 
negligible.  The  differentiation  rests  somewhat,  also,  on  the 
Latin  original,  as  is  evident  from  what  is  said  below. 

ORIGIN    OF    THE    IDIOM 

The  evidence  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  as  to  the  Origin  of 
the  Final  Infinitive,  as  far  as  it  goes,  is  confirmatory  of  the 
11 


162  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

conclusions  reached  as  to  the  origin  of  the  idiom  in  West-Saxon, 
namelv :  that  the  uninflected  infinitive  of  purpose  after  verbs  of 
motion  was  a  native  idiom  in  West-Saxon,  the  relative  fre- 
quency of  the  idiom  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  the  West- 
Saxon  Gospels,  being  due  in  part  to  the  frequency  of  the  final 
infinitive  in  the  Latin  original ;  that  the  uninflected  infinitive 
of  purpose  after  verbs  (1)  of  commanding  and  requesting  and 
(2)  of  giving  was  probably  due  to  Latin  influence;  and  that  the 
inflected  infinitive  of  purpose,  after  verbs  of  whatever  kind, 
was  probably  first  suggested  by  the  Latin  (the  constructions 
with  gerund  and  gerundive,  whether  with  or  without  the  prepo- 
sition ad).  The  Latin  correspondents  of  the  final  infinitive  in 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  are  as  follows: — (1)  for  the  uninflected 
infinitive:  a  final  infinitive,  51 ;  a  final  participle,  1;  a  noun 
(potum),  1 ; — for  the  inflected  infinitive:  ad  plus  a  gerundive, 
9 ;  ad  plus  a  gerund,  10 ;  ad  plus  a  noun,  1 ;  a  final  infinitive, 
56 ;  ad  plus  an  infinitive,  1 ;  an  appositive  participle,  past,  1 ; 
an  objective  infinitive,  1 ;  a  final  participle,  present,  active,  1 ; 
a  subjunctive,  1. 

Concerning  this  construction  in  West-Saxon  and  in  the  other 
Germanic  languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp. 
132-148,  215-217,  and  252-256 ;  also  van  Helten,4  pp.  228-230. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

No  clear  example  has  been  found  of  the  strictly  passive  in- 
finitive used  to  denote  purpose. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Final  Infinitive  in  a  Series. — In  the  following  pas- 
sages we  have  a  series  of  two  or  more  infinitives  the  first  of 
which  is  inflected,  but  the  succeeding  is  not:  Mat.  20.28b'c, 
quoted  on  p.  155  above;  L.  4.18b'c,  19a:  sende  meh  to  bodianne 
ermingum  uel  gehaeftendum  forgefnise  &  blindum  gesihSo,  for- 
leta  <5a  gebroceno  on  forgefnise,  bodia  ger  drihtnes  ondfenge  & 
dcege  (sic)  eftselenise  —  misit  me  praedicare  captiuis  remis- 
sionem  et  csecis  uisum,  dimittere  confractos  in  remissionem, 


The  Infinitive  163 

praedicare  annum  domini  acceptum  et  diem  retributionis. — 
On  the  other  hand,  as  in  the  West-Saxon  Luke,  twice  we 
have  an  uninflected  infinitive  succeeded  by  an  inflected  in- 
finitive, owing  no  doubt  to  the  influence  of  the  Latin  original, 
in  which  an  infinitive  is  succeeded  by  ad  plus  a  gerundive: — 
L.  1.76,  77,  79<a'b:  <5u  before  f ceres  forSon  fore  onsione  drihtnes 
gearuiga  wegas  his,  to  selenne  wisdom  .  .  .  inlihte  Seem  (5a  <5e 
in  Siostrum  &  in  scua  dea(5es  sittas  to  rehtanne  foet  usra  = 
praeibis  .  .  .  parare  uias  .  .  .  ad  dandam  scientiam  .  .  . 
mluminare  his  qui  in  tenebris  et  in  umbra  mortis  sedent  ad 
dirigendos  pedes  nostros.  For  another,  to  me  less  probable, 
explanation  of  the  alternation  in  the  West-Saxon  examples,  of- 
fered by  Professor  Kenyon,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon, 
p.  147.  We  have  a  series  of  two  or  more  inflected  infinitives 
in  the  following:  Mat.  20.19a>b'c,  quoted  on  p.  156  above;  Mat. 
20.28a>b,  quoted  on  pp.  155-156  above  (here  the  two  inflected 
infinitives  are  followed  by  an  uninflected  infinitive)  ;  L. 
19.10'a>b:  cuom  forSon  sunu  monnes  to  soecanne  &  to  hcelenne 
=  Uenit  enim  filius  hominis  quaerere  et  saluare  quod  perierat ; 
L.  19.12'a'b:  foerde  on  lond  unneh  uel  suiSe  fearr  to  onfoanne 
him  ric  &  eft  he  to  cerranne  =  abiit  in  regionem  longinquam 
accipere  sibi  regnum  et  reuerti;  J.  I.  6.18,  19:  hine  ne  to 
doemenne  ah  to  haelanne  middangeard  gecuome  gecySed  bi<5  = 
se  non  ad  iudicandum  sed  ad  saluandum  mundum  uenisse  testa- 
tum— It  seems  unnecessary  to  give  here  the  series  in  which  each 
infinitive  is  uninflected. 

2.  An  Alternation  of  the  Two  Infinitives  occurs  with  a  sin- 
gle word  in  the  following: — Mat.  10.34c:  ne  cuom  ic  fri(5 
sende  uel  to  sendenne  =  non  ueni  pacem  mittere;  Mk.  1.24b: 
cuome  Su  losige  uel  to  losane  usig  ?  =  uenisti  perdere  nos?  L. 
7.26:  ah  ymb  huaed  foerdon  gie  gesea  uel  to  sceawnnef  =  sed 
quid  existis  uidere?  L.  9.2a:  sende  hia  bodia  uel  to  bodianne 
ric  godes  =  misit  illos  praedicare  regnum  dei. 

3.  A  Clause  Alternates  with  an  Infinitive  in  L.  1.17,  in  con- 
formity with  the  Latin  original:  he  foregced  fore  (5sem  in  gast 
&  of  uel  miS  maeht  helises  Ssette  gecerre  hearta.  ...    In  sunum 


164  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

&  Sa  ungeleaffulo  to  hogascipe  soSfaestra  gegearuiga  drihtne 
folc  wisfaest  =  ipse  praecedet  ante  ilium  in  spiritu  et  uirtute 
heliae  ut  conuertat  corda  patrum  in  filios  et  incredibiles  ad  pru- 
dentiam  iustorum  parare  domino  plebem  perfectum. — An  in- 
terchange of  clause  with  infinitive  for  a  single  Latin  word  occurs 
in  Mat.  12.42:  forSon  cuom  from  gemserum  eorSo  dcet  hiu  ge- 
herde  net  to  heranne  =  quia  uenit  a  finibus  terrae  audire. 

4.  "Til"  with  a  Final  Infinitive  occurs  in  Mat.  26.17b: 
huer  wiltu  Sset  we  gearuiga  Se  til  eottanne  eastro?  =  ubi  uis 
paremus  tibi  comedere  pascha  ? 

5.  A  Final  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Present  Participle 
in  J.  1.31b:  cuom  ic  in  usetre  fulguande  uel  to  fulguanne  = 
ueni  ego  in  aqua  baptizans. 

6.  The  Function  of  the  Infinitive  is  ?wt  Clear  in  the  passage 
below,  but  to  sceawanne  probably  denotes  purpose: — L.  23.48: 
all  Saet  here  Sara  (5a<5e  sedgesedre  tocuomon  uel  toweron  to  scea- 
wanne (5aet  &  gesegon  SaSe  woeron  aworden  slsegendo  woeron 
hiora  breosto  eftcerrdon  =  omnis  turba  eorum  qui  simul  ade- 
rant  ad  spectaculum  istud  et  uidebant  qua?  fiebant  percutientes 
pectora  sua  reuertebantur  (Rushw. :  al  Se  here  hiora  SaSe  estsce- 
owunga  togedre  comun  to  sceawunga  Sset  &  gisegun  etc.,  W.  S. : 
eall  wered  Se  cet  disse  wcefersynne  wseron  &  gesawon  etc. ) .  See 
Note  3  to  Chapter  II,  p.  64. 

7.  '  The  Split  Infinitive." — In  his  "  Origin  and  Force  of  the 
Split  Infinitive,"  Modern  Language  Notes,  xxix,  1914,  pp. 
41-45,  Professor  George  O.  Curme  declares  that  the  oldest 
examples  of  the  Split  Infinitive  known  to  him  are  found  in  Sir 
Gawayne  and  the  Grene  Knight  (about  1320-1330  A.  D.).  Evi- 
dently he  had  not  at  that  time  seen  my  Note  on  this  idiom  in 
The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon  (1913),,  p.  148  (at  the  end  of 
the  chapter  on  "  The  Final  Infinitive  "),  in  which  I  had  cited 
an  example  of  the  split  infinitive  (with  for  to)  from  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  Chronicle,  p.  256  of  the  Plummer  edition,  under  the 
year  1127  of  Manuscript  E. 


The  Infinitive  165 

8.  A  Final  Infinitive  ivithout  a  Principal. — In  the  following 
passages  we  have  a  final  infinitive  without  a  specific  word 
(verb)  for  it  to  modify: — iminflected:  L.  1.72b; — inflected:  L. 
1.72a;  21.38.  In  the  first  two  passages,  the  verb  is  implied  in 
a  noun,  in  Northumbrian  and  in  Latin;  in  the  third  example, 
the  Latin  verb  is  not  translated  by  the  glossator. 

9.  The  Text  is  Probably  Corrupt  in  Mark  I.  1.11 :  ne  wann 
accennisse  lichomses  Son  in  serrum  awoendat  were  cweo&a  = 
non  laborauit  natiuitatem  carnis  quam  in  prioribus  uicerat 
dicere,  in  which  we  have  an  iminflected  infinitive  of  purpose 
(cweoda)  modifying  the  finite  verb  (ivann),  corresponding  re- 
spectively to  the  Latin  dicere  and  laborauit.  Although  it  occurs 
in  several  manuscripts,  uicerat  is  probably  a  corruption  for 
uiderat,  which  latter  is  the  reading  given  in  Wordsworth  and 
White's  Nouum  Testamentum  Latine,  p.  172.  My  friend  and 
colleague.  Professor  Edwin  W.  Fay,  head  of  our  School  of 
Latin,  has  kindly  called  my  attention  to  Professor  W.  M.  Lind- 
say's Introduction  to  Latin  Textual  Emendation,  p.  83,  where 
we  learn  that,  in  Latin  minuscule  manuscripts,  cl  and  d  are 
often  almost  indistinguishable.  The  misreading  of  uiderat  as 
uicerat  probably  accounts  for  the  Northumbrian  awoendat  were. 
I  cannot  construe  either  uicerat  or  the  other  variant  (uincerat) 
given  for  uiderat  by  Messrs.  Wordsworth  and  White ;  and  con- 
sequently the  Northumbrian  rendering  of  uicerat,  namely, 
awoendat  were,  is  unintelligible  to  me  here. 

XI.     THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ADJECTIVES 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  active  infinitive  that  modi- 
fies an  Adjective  is  inflected  35  8  times,  and  is  uninflected  35 
V  times.  In  West-Saxon,  on  the  other  hand,  of  247  examples 
of  the  infinitive  with  adjectives,  only  6  infinitives  are  unin- 
flected; and  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels  all  examples  (4)  are 
inflected. 

35  No  examples  occur  in  the  "  Introductions." 


166  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

The  infinitive,  whether  uninfected  or  inflected,  is  active  in 
sense  as  in  form. 

I.     THE   INFINITIVE   UNINFLECTED 

The  seven  examples  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  modifying 
an  Adjective  are  as  follows: — 

gearo,  ready,  prepared  (1)  : 

L.  22.33:  Sec  niiS  gearo  ic  am  in  carcerne  &  aec  in  deaSe 
geonga  =  tecum  paratus  sum  et  in  carcerem  et  in  mortem  ire. 

gidyrstig,  audacious,  daring  ( 1 ) : 

Mat.  22 .46 :  ne  Se  Son  gidyrstig  wses  aenig  .  .  .  hine  forSor 
gefregna  =  neque  ausus  fuit  .  .  .  eum  amplius  interrogare  (or 
Consecutive?). 

msehtig,  mighty,  powerful  (1)  : 

Mh.  9.29 :  cuoeS  to  him  Sis  cynn  on  nsenig  mcehtig  of  geonga 
=  dixit  illis  hoc  genus  in  nullo  potens  ire. 

min,  mine  (1)  : 

Mat.  20.23b:  sitta  uutedlice  to  suiSra  minra  &  winstra  ne  is 
min  sella  =  sedere  autem  ad  dexteram  meam  et  sinistram  non 
est  meum  dare. 

wyrSa,  worthy  (3)  : 

Mat.  3.11 :  his  uel  Sses  nam  ic  wyrfie  gesceoe  beara  =  cuius 
non  sum  dignus  calciamenta  portare. 

Mh.  l.Yc:  Sees  nam  ic  ivyrde  forehlutende  undoa  Suongas 
scoe  his  =  cuius  non  sum  dignus  procumbens  soluere  corrigiam 
calciamentorum  eius. 

L.  21.36c:  Ssette  gie  se  ivyr&o  to  habbanne  gefleanne  (5as  alle 
(5a  Se  tocymendo  sint  &  stonda  fora  sune  monnes  =  ut  digni 
habeamini  fugere  ista  omnia  quae  futura  sunt  et  stare  ante 
filium  hominis. 

II.     THE    INFINITIVE    INFLECTED 

The  eight  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  modifying  an 
Adjective  I  likewise  give  in  full: — 
eaSor,  easier  (1) : 
L.  10.12:  ic  cuoeSo  inh  Ssette  sodomon  on  dsege  Ssem  forge- 


The  Infinitive  167 

fenra  uel  eador  to  forgeafanne  bi(5  Son  Seer  ceastra  =  dico 
nobis  quia  sodamis  in  die  ilia  remissive  erit  qnam  illi  ciuitati. 

lset  (hlaet),  slow  (1) : 

L.  24.25  :  la  unwiso  &  lilcetto  ofer  hearta  to  gelefanne  in  allum 
—  o  stulti  et  tardi  corde  ad  credendum. 

mill,  mine  (1)  : 

J/A\  10.40b:  sitta  uutedlice  to  swiSra  minra  uel  to  winstrai 
ne  is  min  to  sellanne  =  sedere  autem  .  .  .  non  est  meum  dare. 
[Cf.  Mat.  20.23b,  above,  where  min  is  modified  by  an  unin- 
flected infinitive.] 

nedSarf,  necessary  (1) : 

L.  23.17 :  neddarf  Sonne  hsefeS  uel  hsefde  to  forgeafanne  him 
.  .  .  enne  =  necesse  autem  habebat  dimittere  eis  .  .  .  unum. 
[Or  is  neddarf  a  noun  here,  as  is  claimed  by  Professor  Cook, 
in  his  Glossary  ?] 

SCyldig,  guilty  (1): 

Mat.  5.22 :  se(5e  uutedlice  cueSas  broSre  his  <5u  unuis  uel 
idle,  scyldig  biS  to  hoetanne  (sic)  =  qui  autem  dixerit  fratri 
suo  racha,  reus  erit  concilio.  [R'ushworth:  he  biS  gemote  scyl- 
dig; W.  S.  he  by (5  gedeahte  scyldig.] 

wyrSe,  worthy  (3)  : 

L.  3.16:  Sees  ne  am  ic  tvyrde  to  unbindanne  Suongas  sceoea 
his  =  cuius  non  sum  dignus  soluere  corrigiam  calciamentorum 
eius. 

L.  21.36a'b:  quoted  above,  p.  166,  under  Uninflected.  Notice 
there  the  erroneous  translation  of  the  Latin  habeamini  by  to 
hahbanne. 

DIFFERENTIATION    OF    THE    TWO    INFINITIVES 

As  to  the  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives,  the  relatively 
large  number  of  uninflected  infinitives  modifying  an  Adjective 
is  somewhat  surprising;  for  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  alone 
more  examples  (7)  are  found  than  in  the  whole  of  West-Saxon 
literature  (6).  But  the  lack  of  inflection  is  due,  I  believe, 
partly  to  the  remoteness  of  most  of  these  infinitives  from  the 
adjective  modified ;  partly  to  the  frequency  of  the  infinitive 


168  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

instead  of  gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  Latin  original;  and 
partly,  in  this  as  in  other  abnormal  uses,  to  the  idiosyncrasy  of 
the  glossator.  As  is  implied  in  the  preceding  sentence,  some- 
times (as  in  Mk.  9.29  and  Mat.  20.23b)  the  infinitive  is  not 
inflected  although  in  juxtaposition  with  the  adjective.  The 
Latin  correspondents  are  as  follows : — for  the  uninfected  infini- 
tive: an  adjective  plus  an  infinitive,  6;  an  objective  infinitive 
to  ausus  fuit,  1 ; — for  the  inflected  infinitive :  an  adjective  plus 
an  infinitive,  4;  an  adjective  with  ad  plus  a  gerund;  1;  an 
adjective  in  the  comparative  degree,  1 ;  an  adjective  plus  a  noun 
in  the  ablative,  1 ;  and  a  subjunctive  passive  that  is  in  prox- 
imity to  an  adjective  and  an  infinitive,  1. 

ORIGIN    OF    THE    IDIOM 

As  I  have  tried  to  show  in  the  discussion  of  this  construction 
in  West-Saxon,  the  use  of  the  Infinitive  with  Adjectives, 
whether  uninflected  or  inflected,  appears  to  be  a  native  English 
idiom. 

For  the  Infinitive  with  Adjectives  in  West-Saxon,  see  The 
Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  149-159,  217-218;  and  in  the 
other  Germanic  languages,  pp.  256-257. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

I  have  found  no  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  of  the 
compound  passive  infinitive  modifying  an  adjective.  Only  one 
example  was  found  in  all  West-Saxon  literature. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Infinitive  in  a  Series  with  Adjectives. — In  L. 
21.36a»b'c,  quoted  on  p.  166  above,  we  have  a  series  of  three 
infinitives  the  first  two  of  which  are  inflected,  but  the  third  is 
not. 

2.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  without  "  To "  occurs  in  L. 
21.36b,  quoted  on  p.  166  above. 


The  Infinitive  169 

3.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  Erroneously  Translates  a  Latin 
Subjunctive  Passive  that  is  in  proximity  to  an  adjective  and 
an  infinitive  in  L.  21.36a,  quoted  on  p.  166  above. 

XII.     OTHER  ADVERBIAL  USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE 

Of  Other  Adverbial  Uses  of  the  infinitive  than  those  already 
treated,  namely,  the  infinitive  of  purpose  and  the  infinitive  of 
specification  (with  adjectives),  but  few  examples  occur  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels. 

Possibly  we  have  an  Infinitive  of  Cause  in  L.  16.3 :  to  giorn- 
anne  uel  to  fceranne  on  selmessum  ic  sceomigo  min  =  mendicare 
erubesco  (Rushw. :  lacking ;  W.  S. :  me  sceamad  dcet  ic  wcedlige). 

Possibly,  too,  we  have  Infinitives  of  Result  in  the  two  follow- 
ing passages  from  Luhe: — 14.23:  gened  to  ingeonganne  Ssette 
sie  gefylled  hus  min  =  compelle  intrare  ut  impleatur  domus 
mea  (Rushw. :  gined  in  to  ingeonganne ;  W.  S. :  nyd  hig  (5set  hig 
gan  in)  ;  13. 24®".  gedrincgas  to  ingeonganne  Serh  nearo  gsett  = 
contendite  intrare  per  angustam  portam  (or  Final?)  (Rushw.: 
gedringas  to  onginnane;  W.  S. :  efstad  (5set  ge  gangen  (5urh  Saet 
nearwe  get).  Although  I  have  put  the  infinitives  in  the  fol- 
lowing passages  under  the  objective  use  with  passive  verbs  (= 
the  retained  objective),  it  is  possible  that  the  infinitives  are  con- 
secutive:— Mat.  I.  7.3a:  were  geneded  (5set  awritta  =  cogeretur 
ut  scriberet;  Mat.  I.  6.19,  7.2 :  gedreatad  uel  genedad  is  .  .  . 
godcunde  haelendes  hero  uel  heista  awrita  &  .  .  .  foreiorne  uel 
bicymo  =  coactus  est  .  .  .  [de]  diuinitate  saluatoris  altius 
scribere  et  .  .  .  prorumpere. 

Possibly,  again,  we  have  an  infinitive  denoting  Means  in  Mat. 
I.  17.19:  cwed  .  .  .  to  geafanne  miS  efennisse  getimbres  hus 
ofer  carr  uel  ofer  sond  =  dicit  .  .  .  adhibita  comparatione 
aedificantis  domum  super  petram  aut  super  herenam  (sic). 

OKIGIN  OF  THE  IDIOM 

The  examples  of  the  Causal,  the  Consecutive,  and  the  Instru- 
mental use  of  the  infinitive  are  too  few  to  determine  the  origin 


170  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

of  the  idioms  here.  In  all  probability,  however,  for  reasons 
stated  in  my  discussion  of  these  idioms  in  West-Saxon,  the 
causal  used  is  more  largely  due  to  Latin  influence,  but  the 
consecutive  use  chiefly  to  native  influence. 

Of  other  adverbial  uses  than  those  specified,  I  have  found 
no  clear  example  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  In  all  the  exam- 
ples given  above,  the  infinitive  is  active  in  sense  as  in  form. 

For  the  situation  in  West-Saxon,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  pp.  160-172,  218-220;  and  in  the  kindred  Germanic 
languages,  pp.  258-262. 

APPENDIX    VIII 

THE    CONSECUTIVE    INFINITIVE    IN    GOTHIC 

In  Dr.  M.  J.  van  der  Meer's  article  on  "  Der  Gotische  Ace.  c. 
Inf.  in  Subjectsatzen  und  nach  Swaei  und  Swe,"  which  ap- 
peared in  the  fall  of  1913,  and  which  was  considered,  in  part, 
in  Section  vi,  above,  on  "  The  Predicative  Infinitive  with 
Accusative  Subject,"  he  considers  all  the  examples  of  the  accu- 
sative-with-infinitive  construction  preceded  by  wcrre  in  Greek 
(21  examples  in  all)  and  preceded  by  swaei  and  swe  in  Gothic 
(5  examples  for  the  two  particles),  and  reaffirms  the  opinion 
that  had  been  generally  held  theretofore,  that  these  five  examples 
of  the  consecutive  infinitive  in  the  Gothic  are  due  to  the  presence 
of  this  construction  in  the  Greek  original.  Of  the  correctness 
of  this  view,  there  seems  to  me  no  question.  But  Dr.  van  der 
Meer's  statement,  in  his  opening  sentence,  already  quoted  by  me 
on  page  143  above,  that  this  construction  is  not  found  in  any  of 
the  older  Germanic  languages  except  Gothic,  needs  modifica- 
tion. A  somewhat  similar  use  of  the  infinitive  (not  of  the 
infinitive  with  an  accusative  subject)  to  denote  result  is  found 
in  Old  Norse  after  saa  and  in  West-Saxon  after  swa.  Con- 
cerning the  history  of  opinion  as  to  the  latter  idiom  and  as  to 
the  former  one,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  162-168, 
218-219,  and  259-261. 


The  Infinitive  171 

XIII.     THE  INFINITIVE  WITH  NOUNS 

A.    The  Active  Infinitive 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  as  in  West-Saxon,  when  a  JSToun 
is  modified  by  an  infinitive,  normally  the  infinitive  is  inflected. 
There  are  17  36  examples  of  the  inflected  infinitive  to  7  examples 
of  the  miinflected  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels.  The  proportion 
of  inflected  to  uninflected  infinitives  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels 
is  26  to  1. 

The  infinitive  that  modifies  a  noun  seems  to  me  active  in 
sense  as  in  form. 

I.      THE    INFINITIVE    UNINFLECTED 

Of  the  uninflected  infinitive  modifying  a  Noun^  I  give  all 
the  examples  observed  by  me  (7,  of  which  one  example  occurs 
in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

mseht,  might,  power  (6)  : 

L.  5.24:  mceht  hafeS  on  eorSo  forgeafa  synna  =  potestatem 
habet  in  terra  dimittere  peccata. 

L.  12.5  :  hsefeS  mceht  gesenda  uel  to  gesendanne  in  tintergo  = 
habet  potestatem  mittere  in  gehennam. 

J.  1.12:  gesalde  Ssem  mceht  suno  godes  wosa  uel  Sset  hia 
uero  =  dedit  illis  potestatem  filios  dei  fieri. 

J.  5.27:  mceht  salde  him  &  dom  gewyrce  =  potestatem  dedit 
ei  et  iudicium  facere. 

J.  19.10a'd:  nastu  Ssette  mo?ht  ic  hafo  gehoa  (5e  uel  Sec  to 
hoanne  &  mceht  to  forletanne  Sec  <5ec  (sic)  uel  forleta  Sec?  = 
nescis  quia  potestatem  habeo  crucifigere  te  et  potestatem  demit- 
tere  te? 

stefn,  voice  ( 1 )  : 

L.  I.  d.lQ^:  miSSy  acenned  waes  iohannes  miS  stefne  gespreca 
Ssem  dumbe  gesald  wass  Ssem  feder  sona  witgende  =  l^ato 
iohanne  uox  eloqui  muto  redditur  patri  ilico  prophetanti. 

38  Of  these  17  inflected  infinitives,  7  occur  in  the  "Introductions":  with 
one  exception  all  of  the  uninflected  infinitives  occur  in  the  Gospels  proper. 


172  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

II.       THE     INFINITIVE     INFLECTED 

Of  the  inflected  infinitive  modifying  a  Noun,  the  examples 
in  full  are  as  follows  (17,  of  which  7  are  in  the  "  Introduc- 
tions ") : — 

becon,  sign  (1) : 

J.  I.  3.13 :  huast  becon  gesalde  to  undoanne  tempul  &  ym 
Srim  dagum  wseccennes  clsen  run  uel  godes  degelnise  sette(5  = 
quod  signum  daret  soluendi  templum  et  in  triduo  excitandi  mis- 
terium  ponit. 

bisen,  example  (2) : 

Mat.  (1)  :  I.  20.19:  bisen  of  Saem  wyrcendum  in  wingeard 
tid  ungelic  uel  unefne  efnegebrohtum  to  brenganne  an  &  gelic 
cue(5  hea  onfeingon  mearde  =  Parabolam  (sic  for  parabola?) 
de  operariis  in  uinea  tempore  diuerso  conductis  adhibita  imam 
paremque  dicit  eos  accepisse  mercedem. — L.   (1):  I.  8.5'a:  of 

gemnisse [=  blanks]  mi(5  bisseno  oxes  to  ivcetranne  aefsa?- 

geS  =  de  cura  sabbati  murmurantes  exemplo  bouis  adaquandi 
refellit. 

eare,  ear  (5) : 
■   Mat.  (1):  13.9:  seSe  haefes  earo  to  herranne  geheraS  =  qui 
habet  awes  audiendi  audiat. — Mk.   (2):  4.9;  7.16. — L.   (2): 
I.  8.15;  14.35. 

(h)lattO,  delay  (1)  : 

L.  (1):  12.45a:  hlatto  doaS  hlaford  min  to  cumanne  =  mo- 
ram  facit  dominus  meus  uenire. 

huothwoegU,  something  (1): 

L.  (1):  7.40:  ic  hafo  <5e  huothuoego  to  cuoed anne  =  habeo 
tibi  aliquid  dicere. 

maeht,  might,  power  (6)  : 

Mat.  (1) :  9.6:  ha?fes  mceht  on  eorSo  forgefnisse  uel  to  forge- 
fanne  synna  =  habet  potestatem  in  terra  dimittendi  peccata. — 
/.   (5):  I.  6.5;  10.1 8a'b;  19.10V  (quoted  above  under  Unin- 
flected,  p.  171). 

rod,  rood,  cross  ( 1 )  : 

L.  (1) :  23.26**:  geseton  him  Saet  rod  to  bearanne  sefter  <5one 


The  Infinitive  173 

hselend  =  imposuerimt  illi  crucem  portare  post  iesum  (or 
Final  ?).  [The  W.  S.  has:  (5a  rode  him  onsetton  fleet  he  hi  bcere 
aefter  Sam  haelende.] 

DIFFERENTIATION    OF   THE   TWO   INFINITIVES 

As  to  the  Differentiation  of  the  Two  Infinitives,  when  modi- 
fying a  Noun,  the  lack  of  inflection  seems  to  me  due  partly  to 
the  remoteness  of  the  uninflected  infinitive  from  the  noun  that 
it  modifies,  partly  to  the  relatively  large  number  of  infinitives 
instead  of  gerunds  or  gerundives  in  the  Latin  original,  and 
partly  to  the  idiosyncrasy  of  the  glossator.  Sometimes,  how- 
ever, as  in  L.  I.  3.16a,  the  infinitive  is  not  inflected  although 
in  juxtaposition  with  the  noun  that  it  modifies.  How  puzzled 
the  glossator  must  have  been  at  times  is  shown  in  J.  19.10a>b>c>d 
(quoted  on  p.  171  above) :  with  the  same  word,  mceht,  the  glos- 
sator in  the  first  instance  writes  the  uninflected  infinitive  and 
gives  the  inflected  as  the  alternative  rendering,  but  in  the  second 
instance  reverses  the  order!  Again,  in  L.  12.5,  also  quoted 
on  p.  171  above,  after  mceht  the  glossator  writes  first  the  unin- 
flected infinitive  and,  interchangeably,  the  inflected  infinitive. 
That,  as  a  rule,  however,  with  nouns  the  infinitive  was  inflected 
in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  as  in  West-Saxon,  is  evident  from 
the  fact,  already  incidentally  stated,  that  the  inflected  form 
predominates  over  the  uninflected  in  the  proportion  of  17  to  7. 

The  Latin  correspondents  to  the  infinitive  with  nouns  is  as 
follows: — for  the  uninflected  infinitive:  a  noun  with  an  infini- 
tive, 7 ;  for  the  inflected  infinitive:  a  noun  with  a  gerund  in  the 
genitive,  10 ;  a  noun  with  a  gerundive  in  the  genitive,  1 ;  a 
noun  with  an  infinitive,  5  ;  an  absolute  participle  phrase,  1. 

ORIGIN    OF    THE    IDIOM 

The  evidence  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  as  to  the  Origin  of 
the  Infinitive  with  Nouns  in  Anglo-Saxon  seems  to  me  in  line 
with  that  derived  from  the  West-Saxon.  The  idiom  was  native 
to  West-Saxon,  but  the  frequency  of  the  construction  therein 


174  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

was  in  part  due  to  the  frequency  of  the  constructions  with 
gerund  or  gerundive  in  the  Latin  originals. 

For  this  idiom  in  West-Saxon,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo- 
Saxon,  pp.  173-182,  220;  and  in  the  other  Germanic  languages, 
pp.  262-264. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

No  example  has  been  found  of  the  compound  passive  infini- 
tive modifying  a  noun  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels.  Nor  was 
any  example  found  in  West-Saxon. 

NOTES 

1.  The  Two  Infinitives  Alternate  in  the  following:  L.  12.5 
and  J.  19.10a'c,  quoted  on  p.  171  above. 

2.  An  Uninfected  Infinitive  Alternates  with  a  Clause  in  /. 
1.12,  quoted  on  p.  171  above. 

3.  The  Inflected  Infinitive  Used  as  a  Latin  Gerundive. — 
In  L.  I.  8.5a,  quoted  on  p.  172  above,  the  Lindisfame  inflected 
infinitive  closely  approximates  a  Latin  gerundive.  For  this 
phenomenon  in  West-Saxon,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon. 
p.  182. 

4.  An  Inflected  Infinitive  Interchanges  with  a  Verbal  Noun 
in  "  -Nes(s)"  that  translates  a  Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive  in 
the  following:  J.  I.  3.13,  wceccennes,  quoted  on  p.  172  above; 
J .  I.  6.5 :  mceht  hasfde  he  cuaeS  setnese  &  eft  to  onfoanne  sauel 
his  —  Potestatem  habere  se  dicit  ponendi  ac  resumendi  animam 
suam.  Cf.  J.  lO.lS3^,  in  which  we  have  two  infinitives:  mceht 
ic  hafo  to  settanne  hia  ...  &  mceht  ic  hafo  aeftersona  to  on- 
foanne hia  =  potestatem  habeo  ponendi  earn  et  potestatem 
habeo  iterum  sumendi  earn. — In  the  following  an  inflected  in- 
finitive alternates  with  a  verbal  noun  in  -?ies  that  translates  a 
Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive,  for  a  single  word:  Mat.  9.6,  for- 
gefnisse,  quoted  on  p.  172  above;  L.  14.35:  se(5e  hsefe(5  earo  to 
heranne  uel  hernises  gehereS  =  qui  habet  aures  audiendi  audiat. 
A  noun  in  -nes  translates  a  Latin  gerund  in  the  genitive  in  the 
following: — Mb.  4.23:  gif  hua  hsefeft  earo  hemisses  geheraS  = 
siquis  habet  aures  audiendi  audiat;  L.  8.8C:  seSe  hsefe(5  earo 


The  Infinitive  175 

hemises  geheraS  =  qui  habet  aures  audiendi  audiat. — See  Note 
4  to  Section  II  of  the  present  chapter,  p.  114,  for  an  example 
of  the  verbal  noun  in  -ing  translating-  a  Latin  infinitive. 

XIV.     THE  IMPERATIVE  INFINITIVE 

A  use  of  the  infinitive  that  is  not  found  in  West-Saxon, 
namely,  the  Imperative,  occurs  occasionally  in  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels.  Of  this  use  I  have  found  the  following  seven  exam- 
ples ;  in  each  of  which  the  infinitive  is  uninflected,  and  is  active 
in  sense  as  in  form : — 

Mk.  11.23a'b:  so<51ice  ic  cuoeS  iuh  Ssette  suaha  seSe  cuoeSas 
Sissum  more  genioma  &  senda  on  sae  =  amen  dico  uobis  quia 
quicumque  dixerit  huic  monti  tollere  et  mittere  in  mare.  [W. 
S. :  imperative  subjunctive;  Kiushw. :  ginioma  &  sende  in  sae.] 

L.  I.  6.1313:  foxas  holo  habbaS  getrymade  esne  fylgende  for- 
geafa  uel  forleta  Sa  deado  &  <5one  haldond  sulh  ne  eftlocia  on 
bsec  —  uulpes  foueas  habere  testatur  iuuenis  (sic)  sequent! 
dimittere  mortuos  et  tenentem  aratrum  non  respicere  retro. 
[Or  Objective?  Cook:  forgeafa,  inf.;  forleta,  inf.;  esne,  ns. ; 
fylgende,  not  cited  for  this  passage.] 

L.  17.6a'b:  gie  cuoede  <5isum  tree  i  heartbreer  ofivyrtrumia  & 
oferplontia  uel  gesette  on  saa  &  hersumia<5  iuh  =  diceritis  huic 
arbori  moro  eradicare  et  transplantare  in  mare  et  obediret 
uobis.  [W.  S. :  imperative  subjunctive  ;  Rushw. :  imperative 
subjunctive;  Cook:  ofivyrtrumia,  inf.;  oferplontia,  inf.] 

L.  8.28 :  ic  biddo  Sec  ne  mec  drouiga  uel  Ssette  <5u  mec  ne 
gegroeta  uel  ne  pinia  =  obsecro  te  ne  me  torqueas.  [W.  S. :  ic 
halsige  (5e  <5set  &u  ne  Sreage  me ;  Rushw. :  lacking.  Possibly 
our  infinitive  is  used  Predicatively  here?  Cook:  Browiga,  in- 
finitive; gegroeta,  optative  present,  2nd  singular.] 

•7.  8.5 :  in  83  uutudlice  moises  bebead  us  Suslic  gestwna  Su ; 
f orSon  hua3d  cwaaSes  ?  =  in  lege  autem  moses  mandauit  nobis 
hujusmodi  lapidare  tu;  ergo  quid  dicis?  [W.  S. :  moyses  us 
bebead  on  Ssere  03  Sset  we  sceoldon  Sus  gerade  mid  stanum  oftor- 
fian; — Rushw.:  bibeod  us  (5uslic  nu  gistcena  (5u  ; — Cook:  ges- 
tcena,  infinitive.  ] 


176  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


ORIGIxNT  OF  THE  IDIOM 

Two  of  the  above  examples  of  the  Imperative  Infinitive 
(L.  I.  6.13b  and  L.  8.28),  as  there  indicated,  are  doubtful; 
but  the  remaining  five  examples  seem  pretty  certainly  to  be- 
long here.  And  clearly  these  examples  are  due  to  the  close  fol- 
lowing of  the  Latin  original,  in  five  of  them  (Mk.  11.23,a>b;  L. 
I.  6.13b(  ?)  ;  L.  17.6a>b)  to  the  too  close  following  of  the  Latin, 
for  we  have  the  present  infinitive  translating  a  Latin  passive  of 
the  imperative  mood,  which  latter  is  identical  in  form  with  the 
Latin  active  infinitive.  In  J.  8.5,  the  Northumbrian  impera- 
tive infinitive  corresponds  to  the  same  idiom  in  Latin.  In  L. 
8.28,  the  infinitive  corresponds  to  a  Latin  jussive  subjunctive. 

For  alleged  examples  of  the  Imperative  Infinitive  in  West- 
Saxon,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  p.  6.  For  this  con- 
struction in  the  kindred  Germanic  languages,  see  the  same  mono- 
graph, p.  264. 

XV.     SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE 

I.      THE    PREDICATE    NOMINATIVE    OF    THE    PRESENT    PARTICIPLE 
FOR   THE   PREDICATIVE   INFINITIVE  AFTER  VERBS   OF   MOTION 

In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  I  have  not  found  any  clear  exam- 
ples of  the  Predicate  Nominative  of  the  Present  Participle 
used  for  the  Predicative  Infinitive  after  Verbs  of  Motion,  as  in 
the  West-Saxon  He  com  fieogende  from  lie  com  fleogan.  Two 
possible  examples  are  the  following: — Mat.  14.25:  Sin  feorSa 
uutedlice  waccen  naehtes  cuom  to  him  geongende  net  geeode  ofer 
see  =  quarta  autem  uigilia  noctis  uenit  ad  eos  ambulans  supra 
mare  (Rushw.  and  W.  S. :  ibidem);  Mk.  I.  3.14:  om  feorSa 
na3ht  wacan  cuom  to  Segnum  geongende  ofer  uel  buf a  sa?  = 
Quarta  noctis  uigilia  uenit  ad  discipulos  ambulans  supra  mare. 
But  in  each  the  participle  may  be  used  appositively  instead  of 
predicativcly ;  and  each  has  been  put  in  the  chapter  on  the 
Appositive  Participle,  p.  64  above. 

Concerning  this  idiom  in  West-Saxon  and  in  the  other  Ger- 
manic languages,  see  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  221-224. 


The  Infinitive  177 


II.  THE  PREDICATE  ACCUSATIVE  OF  THE  PRESENT  PARTICIPLE 
FOR  THE  PREDICATIVE  INFINITIVE  WITH  ACCUSATIVE  SUB- 
JECT 

About  94  (96  including  the  "  Introductions  ")  examples  of 
the  Predicate  Accusative  of  the  Present  Participle  instead  of 
the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  occur  in  the 
Lindisfarne  Gospels  to  80  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels. 

The  following  are  typical  examples: — 

Mk.  14.58a:  forSon  ue  geherdon  hine  cwoedne  uel  cwoedende 
=  audiuimus  eum  dicentem. 

Mat.  26.40 :  gemoete  hia,  slepende  =  inuenit  eos  dormientes. — 
Mat.  20.6:  gemoette  odero  stondende  =  inuenit  alios  stantes. 

Mat.  26.64a>b:  gie  gesead  sunu  monnes  sittenda  ...  &  cym- 
mende  =  uidebitis  filium  hominis  sedentem  .  .  .  et  uenientem. 
— Mat.  20.3  :  gesceh  odero  standende  in  spree  uel  in  Singstow  = 
uidit  alios  stantes  in  foro. 

Mat.  25.44b'c:  huoenne  dec  we  segon  hyncgerende  uel  fiyr- 
standa?  =  quando  te  uidimus  esurientem  aut  sitientem? 

The  statistics  of  the  Predicate  Accusative  of  the  Present  Par- 
ticiple are  in  full  as  follows  (96  in  all,  2  in  the  "  Introduc- 
tions"):— 

behalda,  'see'  (1): 

—  geongende,  '  going  '  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  1.36. 
forleta,  '  dismiss'  (2) : 

-fcestende,  ''  fasting  '  (2);  Mat.  (1) :  15.32.— Mfc.  (1) :  8.3. 
gehera,  'hear'  (6) : 

—  bifcerende,  '  passing  by  '  (1) :  L.  (1) :  18.36. 

—  cuoedende,  '  saying  '  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  14.58a. 

—  forecwoedende,  'preaching'  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  6.9. 

—  hucestrende,  '  murmuring  '  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  7.32. 

—  soecende,  '  seeking  '  (1) :  Mk.  (1)  :  12.28. 

—  spreccende,  '  speaking  '  (1):-/.  (1)  :  1.37. 
gemitta:  see  gemoeta. 

gemoeta  (gemitta),  '  find  '  (20)  : 

—  cymmende,  'coming'   (1):  Mat.  (1):  27.32. 

12 


178  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

—  doende,  '  doing  '  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  12.43. 

—  forbeadende,  '  forbidding  '  (1)  :  L.  (1) :  23.2d. 

—  jraegnende,  'enquiring'  (1) :  L.   (1):  2.46c. 

—  hcebbende,  'having'  (1):  J.  (1):  11.17. 
-  herende,  '  hearing  '  (1) :  L.  (1) :  2.46b. 

—  Hccende  (licgende),  'reclining'  (1):  Mk.  (1):  7.30. 

—  sittende,  'sitting'   (3):  L.   (2):  2.46'a;  8.35b.— /.   (1) : 
2.14a  (sittendo). 

—  slepende,   'sleeping'    (6):    Mat.    (2):    26.40,    43. — Mk. 
(3):  13.36;  14.37,  40.— L.  (1):  22.45. 

—  stondende,   'standing'    (2):   Mat.    (1):    20.6.— L.    (1) : 
19.32. 

— ■  under  cerrende,  '  subverting  '  (1) :  L.  (1) :  23. 2C. 

—  wceccendo,  'watching'  (1):  L.  (1):  12.37a. 
gesea,  'see'  (59) : 


L.  (1):  9.49. 
Mat.  (1)  :  21.15a. 
Mat.  (1):  8.14b. 


—  aworpende,  '  casting  out '  ( 1 ) 

—  clioppende,  '  crying  out '  ( 1 ) 

—  cuacende,  '  having  fever  '  ( 1 ) 

—  cuedendo  {sic  for  cuedendo),  '  speaking  '  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  : 
21.15b. 

—  cum(m)ende  (cym(m)ende),  'coming'  (11):  Mat.  (4): 
I.  20.6;  16.28;  24.30 ;*26.64b— M.  (3):  9.1;  13.26;  14.62b. 
— L.  (1):  21.27.— J".  (3):  1.29,  47;  10.12. 

—  cym(m)ende:  see  cum(m)ende. 

—  fallende,  'falling'  (1):  L.  (1):  10.18. 

—  fylgendi  (-do),  'following'  (2):  /.  (2):  1.38  (-ndo)  ; 
21.20  {-ndi). 

—  geongende,  'going,'  'walking'  (6):  Mat.  (2):  14.26.a; 
15.31.— Mh.  (3) :  6.3,  49  ;  8.24.— J.  (1) :  6.19. 

—  licgende  (Uccende),  'lying  down'  (2):  Mat.  (1):  8.14a 
(liccende). — /.  (1):  5.6. 

—  mcenende  (mceniende),  'mourning'  (2):  Mat.  (1):  9.23. 
— Mh  (1):  5.38b  (mceniende). 

—  ofdunestigende,  '  descending  '  (1) :  J.  (1) :  1.51b. 

—  ofstigende,  '  descending  '  (1)  :  Mk.  (1) :  1.10b. 

—  sendende,  'casting'  (2):  Mk.  (1):  1.16*.— L.  (1):  21.2. 


The  Infinitive  179 

—  sittende,  'sitting'  (9):  Mat.  (2):  9.9;  26.64a  (-nda).— 
MJc.  (4):  2.14;  5.15a;  14.62a;  16.5a  — L.  (2):  5.27;  22.56.— 
./.  (1):  20.12  (sittendce). 

—  standende :  see  stondende. 

—  stigende,  'descending'  (4):  Mat.  (1):  3.16a.— J.  (3): 
1.32,  33b;  6.62. 

—  stondende  {standende),  'standing'  (5):  Mat.  (1):  20.3. 
—Mk.  (1):  13.14.— L.  (1):  5.2  (-ndo).-J.  (2):  19.26; 
20.14. 

—  up  (p)  stigende,  '  ascending  '  (2) :  L.  (1)  :  12.54. — J".  (1) : 
1.51a. 

—  Sringende,  '  pressing  upon  '  (1) :  Mk.  (1) :  5.31. 

—  wcermigende,  'warming'  (1):  Mk.  (1):  14.67. 

—  woepende,  'weeping'  (1):  Mk.  (1):  5.38a. 

—  wunigende,  'remaining'  (2):  Mk.  (1):  1.10c. — J.  (1)  : 
1.33c. 

—  wynnende  (winnende),  'laboring'  (1):  Mk.  (1):  6.48a. 

—  wyrcende,  '  doing  '  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  5.19. 
habba,  'have'  (1) : 

—  uuniande,  '  abiding  '  (1) :  J.  (1) :  5.38. 
infinda,  find  (l) : 

—  restende,  'resting,'  '  lying  vacant'  (1) :  Mat.  (1) :  12.44. 
onfinda,  'find'  (1): 

—  doende,  'doing'  (1):  Mat.  (1):  24.46. 
sea,  'see'  (5) : 

—  kremende,  'weeping'  (1):  /.  (1):  11.33. 

—  hyncgerende :  see  hyngrende. 

—  hyngrende  (hyncgerende),  'hungering'  (2):  Mat.  (2): 
25.37a,  44b  (hyncgerende) . 

—  dyrstende,  'thirsting'  (2):  Mat.  (2):  25.37b,  44c  (dyr- 
stenda). 

ORIGIN    OF    THE    IDIOM 

In  all  the  96  examples  except  two,  the  Northumbrian  Pred- 
icate Accusative  of  the  Present  Participle  translates  the  same 
idiom  of  the  Latin;  in  the  two  exceptional  cases,  it  translates 
a  Latin  adjective  in  the  predicate  accusative.  The  two  exceptions 


180  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

are  as  follows: — Mat.  15.32:  forlette  hia  fwstende  nwill  (sic) 
ic  =  dimittere  eos  ieiunios  nolo ;  Mh.  8.3 :  gif  ic  forleto  hia  fces- 
tende  in  hus  =  si  dimisero  eos  ieiunios  in  domum.  Moreover, 
the  general  dislike  of  the  Northumbrian  for  the  participle  with 
verbal  force  is  shown  in  the  avoidance,  by  the  Lindisfarne  gloss- 
ator, of  the  predicative  accusative  of  the  participle  even  when 
the  idiom  occurs  in  the  Latin  original,  as  in  his  awkward  rendi- 
tion, in  Mat.  15.31a'b,  of  the  participle  by  a  finite  verb:  sua 
(5set  <5reatas  wundradun  gesegon  monigo  gesprecon  halto  geeadon 
uel  geongende  blindo  gesegon  uel  geseas  =  ita  ut  turbae  mira- 
rentur  uidentes  multos  (sic)  loquentes  clodos  ambulantes  caecos 
uidentes.  The  evidence,  therefore,  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 
tends  to  confirm  the  conclusion  reached  from  a  study  of  this 
idiom  in  West-Saxon,  namely,  that  the  predicative  use  of  the 
accusative  of  the  present  participle  was  not  a  native  idiom  in 
English  or  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole,  and  that  the 
substitution  of  the  predicate  accusative  of  the  present  par- 
ticiple for  the  predicative  infinitive  was  due  to  Latin  influence. 
See  The  Infinitive  in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  225-230. 

III.      THE    ELLIPTICAL    ACCUSATIVE-WITH-INFINITIVE    CONSTRUC- 
TION 

A.    Made  up  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Present  Participle 

Somewhat  different  from  the  preceding  idiom  is  what  for 
lack  of  a  better  name  I  should  denominate  the  Elliptical  Accu- 
sative-with-Infinitive  Construction.  This  idiom  is  made  up 
usually  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Present  Participle,  and  trans- 
lates a  Latin  elliptical  accusative-with-infinitive  construction 
consisting  either  (a)  of  an  accusative  plus  a  future  participle 
without  esse  or,  more  frequently,  (b)  of  an  accusative  plus  a 
gerundive  without  esse.  In  the  idiom  considered  in  the  pre- 
ceding section,  the  principal  verbs  are  usually  verbs  of  sense 
perception  and  occasionally  verbs  of  mental  perception ;  and  the 
participle  translates  almost  invariably  a  Latin  predicative  pre- 
sent participle.  In  the  present  idiom,  the  principal  verbs  are 
usually  verbs  of  commanding  or  of  declaring,  never  verbs  of 


The  Infinitive  181 

sense  perception;  and  the  participle  translates,  not  a  Latin 
present  participle,  but  a  Latin  future  participle  or,  usually, 
a  Latin  gerundive.  Of  course,  when  translating  the  Latin 
gerundive,  in  (b),  the  Lindisfarne  participle,  though  active  in 
form,  is  passive  in  sense.  I  cite  all  the  clearer  examples  ob- 
served of  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction 
of  each  of  these  two  types : — 

(a)  (8  examples,  all  in  the  "  Introductions  ") : — 

bebeada,  command,  urge  (1) :  L.  (1)  :  I.  8.17:  geddung  .  .  . 
settee!)  .  .  .  behead  (5set  gefea  from  hreownisum  hselo  tocymende 
=  parabolam  .  .  .  ponit  .  .  .  com.mendans  gaudium  de  paeni- 
tentum  salute  futurum. 

forecuoeSa,  announce,  predict  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  10.16:  hine 
tocymende  on  wolcen  .  .  .  forecuoed  =  seque  uenturum  in 
nube  .  .  .  praedicit. 

foressecga,  announce,  declare,  prophesy  (3) :  Mat.  (2)  :  I. 
20.4 :  gedrouende  hine  foresoegde  =  Passurum  se  prcenuntians  ; 
I.  20.20a.— L.  (1)  :  I.  6.6. 

gehata,  promise  (1)  :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  18. lb:  (5a  iudeas  of  ric 
in  Son  cynna  geheht  tocymmende  saegeS  fordrifena  =  iudaeos 
de  regno  in  quo  gentes  promittit  uenturas  asserit  expellendos. 

geondwearda,  respond,  answer  (1).:  L.  (1)  :  I.  9.10a:  wses 
frsegnend  from  tid  rices  godes  geonduearde  ne  miS  gehald  tocy- 
mende =  Interrogatus  de  tempore  regni  dei  respondit  non  cum 
obseruatione  uenturum  (the  subject  accusative  is  to  be  supplied 
both  in  the  Northumbrian  gloss  and  in  the  Latin  original). 

SOSssecga,  declare  (1)  :  J.  (1)  :  T.  6.16a:  corn  husetes  dead 
monigf aid  usestem  sodsceges  tobrengende  embehtande  =  granum 
frumenti  mortuum  multum  fructum  pronuntiat  allaturum  min- 
istrantem. 

(h)   (11  examples,  all  in  the  "  Introductions  ")  : — 

beada,  command,  order  (1):  J.  (1):  I.  8.11:  &  foedendo 
Sa  scipo  gelic  Sirda?  beadande  .  .  .  tahte  etc.  =  et  pascendas 
ones  a>que  tertio  commendans  .  .  .  significat  ei  quod  etc.  (  ?). 

CUOeSa,  say,  declare  (2)  :  L.  (2)  :  I.  5.17b:  &  da  (5set  moder 
&  broSro  ceigendo  cuoe&  =  et  eos  matrem  fratresque  uocandos 


182  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

ait;  I.  9.10b:  niomande  hia  cuoed  menn  =  occupandos  eos  dicit 
homines. 

forecuoeSa,  predict  (1) :  Mk.  (1):  I.  4.14a:  ec  forecued 
hine  slaende  =  Item  praedicens  se  occidendum. 

foresaecga,  declare,  predict  (2):  Mat.  (1):  I.  22.4:  fore- 
sceged  eastro  sefter  tusem  dogrum  &  hine  sellende  =  Praenuntiat 
pascha  post  biduum  seque  tradendum. — Mk.  (1) :  I.  4.14a. 

geonduearda,  respond  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  10.14b:  geonducerde 
yflo  monigo  forescyniga  ne  foresmeande  huced  gesald  gescprecen 
weron  =  respondit  mala  plurima  praecessura  nee  praecogitan- 
dum  quid  traditi  loquantur. 

lsera,  teach  (1) :  Mat.  (1)  :  I.  17.10  (1) :  ne  oisignisse  mettes 
&  woedes  hcebende  ah  ric  godes  allum  fore  —  [=  blank]  Iceras 
=  nee  sollicitudinem  escae  et  uestis  habendam  sed  regnum  dei 
omnibus  prseferendum  docet. 

Serhgebidda,  persuade  (3)  :  L.  (3)  :  I.  7.4a'b>c:  frionde  Srio 
hlafas  a?d  middemasbt  Sam  biddende  Sset  getdung  sette  giwende, 
soecende,  &  cnylsende  derhgebiddes  =  Amici  tres  panes  media 
nocte  petiti  parabolam  ponens  petendum,  quaerendum,  pulsan- 
dumque  persuadit. 

B.    Made  up  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Preterite  Participle 

Again,  we  find  a  few  examples  (about  8  in  all)  of  an  Ellip- 
tical Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction  made  up  of  an  Ac- 
cusative Plus  a  Preterite  Participle  and  translating  a  Latin 
Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction  consisting 
(a)  usually  (six  times)  of  an  accusative  plus  a  gerundive  with- 
out esse  and  (b)  twice  of  an  accusative  plus  a  past  participle. 
In  sense  this  locution  is  passive,  of  course.  The  examples  in 
full  are  as  follows : — 

(a)    (6  examples,  all  in  the  "Introductions"): — 
bebeada,  command,  exhort  (1):  L.  (1):  I.  6.20b:  inlsedeS 
geddung  Sees  wundes  Ssem  gebroht  from  samaritanum  mild- 
heortnise  bebead  gebisened  =  inducit  parabolam  uulnerati  cui 
conlatam  a  samaritano  misericordiam  praecipit  imitandam. 


The  Infinitive  183 

forebeada,  forbid,  prohibit  (1)  :  Mk.  (1)  :  I.  4.15b:  haedno 
forebeadend  gelicad  uel  gebis  hersumnise  mi(5  bisene  sedeawed 
=  gentiles  prohibens  imitandos  humilitatis  exemplo  monstrato. 

foresaecga,  announce,  declare  (2) :  L.  (2)  :  I.  10. 2a:  fiondas 
rices  his  foresceged  derhgelicade  =  inimicos  regni  sui  pronun- 
tiat  perimendos;  I.  10.4 :  gesaeh  (5a  ceastra  gewsep  ofer  hia  /ore- 
scegde  ofacerred  =  Uidens  ciuitatem  fleuit  super  earn  praenun- 
tians  euertendam  (in  Northumbrian  and  in  Latin  the  subject 
accusative  is  to  be  supplied  from  the  context) . 

gelsera,  teach  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  16.14°:  gelaeres  sodfeast- 
nisse  ofersuided  =  docet  iustitiam  superandam. 

saecga,  say,  declare  (1):  Mat.  (1):  I.  18. lc:  (5a  iudeas  of 
ric  in  Son  cynna  geheht  tocymmende  scegeS  fordrifena  = 
iudaeos  de  regno  in  quo  gentes  promittit  uenturas  asserit  expel- 
lendos. 

(b)    (2  examples)  : 

ssecga,  say,  declare  (2)  :  Mk.  (2)  :  I.  1.6b,  7 :  in  stefne  engles 
soecgende  gesended  ne  (5set  ane  word  lichoma  geworden  ah 
lichoma  drihtes  (5erh  word  godcundes  stefn  gesaweled  =  in 
uoce  angeli  enuntiantis  emissum  non  solum  uerbum  caro  factum 
sed  corpus  domini  per  uerbum  diuinse  uocis  animatum. 

ORIGIN    OF    THE    IDIOM 

It  seems  clear  that  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive 
Construction,  especially  type  A,  made  up  of  an  Accusative  Plus 
a  Present  Participle,  arises  from  the  very  close  translation  of 
the  Latin  original.  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  too,  that  type  B 
of  this  construction,  made  up  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Past 
Participle,  is  likewise  due  to  the  imitation  of  the  Latin  idiom, 
though  some  may  prefer  to  consider  it  as  merely  a  sub-variety 
of  the  native  accusative  plus  a  predicative  past  participle.  Of 
neither  of  these  two  major  types  of  the  Elliptical  Accusative- 
with-Infinitive  Construction,  have  T  found  a  clear  example  in 
West-Saxon. 


184  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


NOTES 


1.  The  Elliptical  Accusative-With-Infinitive  Construction 
Consists  of  an  Accusative  Plus  a  Past  Participle  Tlwi  Is  Active 
in  Sense,  and  translates  a  Latin  accusative  plus  a  perfect  active 
infinitive  in  J.  12.18 :  forSa  uel  foreSon  &  ongaegn  uel  togsegnes 
cuom  him  Se  here  forSon  uel  Ssette  geherdon  hine  geuorhto 
Sis  becon  =  propterea  et  obuiam  uenit  ei  turba  quia  audierunt 
eum  fecisse  hoc  signum. 

2.  The  Lindisfarne  Present  Participle  Corresponds,  not  to  a 
Latin  Future  Participle,  but  to  the  Perfect  Participle  of  a 
Deponent  Verb  in  Mh.  I.  4.5 :  iohannis  —  (=  blank)  weron 
Srowende  he  gelicra  drowende  cuoed  =  et  iohannem  heliae  pas- 
suri  ipse  similia  passum  dicit. 

3.  An  Abortive  Attempt  at  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with- 
Infinitive  Construction  occurs  in  the  passage  below,  in  which 
the  failure  seems  to  arise  from  the  glossator's  misunderstanding 
of  fore:  L.  I.  6.9 :  efter  sona  cuoed  hine  drouande  were  toweard 
—  Iterum  dicit  se  passurum  fore. 

4.  Apparent  Examples  of  the  Predicative  Present  Parti- 
ciple in  a  Passive  Sense. — In  his  "  Development  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Form  in  Germanic  "  (in  Publications  of  the  Modern 
Language  Association  of  America,  xxvm,  1913,  pp.  182-183), 
Professor  G.  O.  Curme  holds  that,  in  the  following  passages  of 
the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  the  Predicative  Present  Participle  is 
used  in  a  Passive  Sense: — Matthew  13.19,  20:  eghuelc  seSe 
heres  word  rices  &  ne  oncneawu  uel  ne  ongset,  cuom  Se  Siowl 
uel  Se  yfle  &  genom  uel  gelahte  Sset  gesawen  wses  in  hearta  is, 
Ses  is  uel  wses  seSe  neh  strete  uel  woeg  sawende  woes;  seSe 
soSlice  ofer  uel  on  staener  sawende  wees,  Sis  is  uel  wses  seSe 
word  geherde  etc.  =  omnis  qui  audit  uerbum  regni  et  non  intel- 
legit,  uenit  malus  et  rapit  quod  seminatum  est  in  corde  eius, 
hie  est  qui  secus  uiam  seminatus  est;  qui  autem  supra  petrosa 
seminatus  est,  hie  est  qui  uerbum  audit  etc. ;  Mat.  13.22 :  seSe 
uutedlice  ivces  saivcende  in  Sornum,  Ses  uel  Sis  is  seSe  word 
heres  etc.  =  qui  autem  est  seminatus  in  spinis,  hie  est  qui  uer- 
bum audit  etc.;  Mat.  13.23:  seSe  uutedlice  in  eorSo  godo  sa- 


The  Infinitive  185 

wende  wees,  Sis  is  uel  wses  seSe  heres  word  etc.  =  qui  uero  in 
terra  bona  seminatus  est,  hie  est  qui  audit  uerbum  etc. ;  Luke 
7.12  :  heono  dead  wees  ferende  sunu  ancende  moderes  his  =  ecce 
defunctus  efferebatur  films  unicus  matris  suae.  The  West- 
Saxon  Gospels  has  the  past  participle  in  all  of  these  examples, 
as  has  the  Rushworth  Gospels  in  all  except  in  the  example  from 
Luke,  which  latter  is  lacking  therein.  Professor  Curme  may 
be  right  in  contending  that  the  present  participle  in  the  five 
examples  of  the  predicative  use  just  quoted  is  passive  in  sense; 
for,  as  we  have  seen,  occasionally  we  find  a  present  absolute  or 
a  present  appositive  participle  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  trans- 
lating a  Latin  passive  participle:  see  pp.  5,  6,  and  86  above. 
As  there  indicated,  the  present  absolute  and  the  present  apposi- 
tive participles  seem  due  to  an  oversight.  I  think  it  more 
probable,  however,  that  in  the  first  four  examples  just  quoted 
the  participle  is  active  in  sense.  The  glossator,  seeing  that  the 
Latin  verb  has  a  personal  subject,  considers  that  the  subject  of 
sawende  woes  is  literally  the  sower,  not  symbolically  the  sower 
standing  for  the  seed;  for,  where  the  subject  of  the  Latin  verb 
is  unmistakably  impersonal,  standing  for  the  seed  or  the  word, 
the  Lindisfarne  glossator  uses  the  passive  participle,  as  in  Mat. 
13.19  above  (word  .  .  .  8cet  gesawen  ivces  =  uerbum  .  .  . 
quod  seminatidm  est).  Compare,  further,  Mk.  4.15a'b  (Sser  bid 
gesauen  word  .  .  .  word  dcette  gesawen  ivces  =  ubi  seminatur 
uerbum  .  .  .  uerbum  quod  seminatum  est),  in  which  we  have 
a  Lindisfarne  impersonal  subject  and  a  passive  participle  trans- 
lating a  Latin  impersonal  subject  and  a  passive  verb,  with  Mk. 
4.16  (Sas  sint  gelic  Bade  ofer  steenero  saues  uel  sauad  =  hi  sunt 
similiter  qui  super  petrosa  seminantur)  and  Mk.  4.18  (ox5ero 
sint  dade  on  Sornum  hia  saued  uel  sanas  =  alii  sunt  qui  in 
spinis  seminantur),  in  which  we  have  a  Lindisfarne  personal 
subject  and  an  active  finite  verb  translating  a  Latin  personal 
subject  and  a  passive  finite  verb.  In  Mk.  4.20  (Sa  sint  dade 
ofer  eorSo  god  gesauen  sint  =  hi  sunt  qui  super  terram  bonani 
seminati  sunt),  however,  we  have  a  Lindisfarne  personal  subject 
and  a  passive  participle  translating  a  Latin  personal  subject  and 


186  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

a  passive  finite  verb  made  up  of  the  verb  to  be  plus  the  passive 
participle :  possibly  the  frequency  of  the  Latin  expression  finally 
overrules  the  glossator's  original  interpretation?  As  to  L.  7.12, 
quoted  above,  the  present  participle  may  be  due  in  part  to  the 
proximity  of  the  perfect  participle  (defunctus)  of  a  deponent 
verb  to  efferebatur,  since,  in  West-Saxon  and  in  Northumbrian, 
Latin  deponent  verbs  are  often  translated  by  the  progressive 
tense.  But,  in  the  following  example,  which  is  not  mentioned 
by  Professor  Curme,  there  is  no  such  excuse  for  the  error,  real 
or  apparent: — L.  I.  9.9:  ivces  fregnend  from  tid  rices  godes 
geonduearde  ne  miS  gehald  tocymende  =  Interrogatus  de  tem- 
pore regni  dei  respondit  non  cum  obseruatione  uenturum. 

APPENDIX    IX 

GERMANIC  ANALOGUES  TO  THE  NORTHUMBRIAN  ELLIPTICAL 
ACCUSATIVE-WITH-INFINITIVE    CONSTRUCTION 

In  the  Scandinavian  Languages  we  find  an  instructive  paral- 
lel to  the  Northumbrian  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive 
Construction,  of  which  parallel,  however,  I  did  not  become  fully 
aware  until  after  I  had  written  the  preceding  part  of  this  sec- 
tion, when  I  secured  a  copy  of  Professor  Nygaard's  "  Om 
Brugen  af  det  Saakaldte  Prsesens  Particip  i  Oldnorsk  (1879)," 
to  which  article  I  have  several  times  referred  already  in  other 
parts  of  the  present  study.  Concerning  the  idiom  about  to  be 
discussed,  I  had  read  brief  statements  in  the  treatises  on 
Scandinavian  syntax  by  Lund  (§154),  by  Falk  and  Torp 
(§138),  and  by  Nygaard  himself  in  his  Norr0n  Syntax  (§§238- 
242),  but  I  did  not  realize  the  closeness  of  the  parallel  until  I 
had  read  Professor  Nygaard's  aforementioned  essay  on  the 
Present  Participle  in  Old  Norse. 

On  pp.  219  ff.  of  this  essay,  Professor  Nygaard  tells  us  that, 
in  later  and  learned  Old  Norse  works,  the  Present  Participle  is 
at  times  used  Predicatively  37  in  a  Passive  Sense  with  vera  to 
denote  suitability,  obligation,  or  necessity,  as  in  Horn.  9.6:  sja 

37  Occasionally  also  attributively. 


The  Infinitive  187 

friftr  er  haldandi  meS  goSum  (custodienda  est)  ;  Horn.  28.18: 
f>at  er  vitanda  mildlegt  verk  vist  (sciendum  est  esse  pietatis 
opus).  He  tells  us,  what  is  apparent  from  the  examples  just 
given,  that  the  Norse  idiom  corresponds  closely  to  the  Latin 
passive  periphrastic  conjugation;  and  that  it  is,  as  a  rule,  found 
only  in  the  writings  that  show  Latin  influence.  The  statement 
is  of  so  great  importance  and  the  essay  is  so  difficult  to  get  hold 
of  that  I  must  quote  Professor  ISTygaard's  own  words  (pp. 
219  ff.)  :— 

"  I  passiv  betydning  betegner  prses.  part.  '  som  er  at  gj0re  ' 
d.  e.  '  som  egner  sig  til  at  behandles  eller  til  at  blive  gjenstand 
for  en  vis  virksomhed.'  Det  udtrykker  saaledes  dels  skikkethed 
eller  vcerdighed  (bekvem,  skikket  til  at — ,  vcerdig,  kvalificeret 
til  at — )  dels  mulighed  (som  lader  sig  behandle,  kan  behandles) 
dels  tilb0rlighed  og  n0dvendighed  (som  fortjener  at  behandles, 
b0r,  maa  behandles). 

"  Den  passive  betydning  h0rer  hjemme  i  transitive  verber  og 
findes  baade  i  prcedicering  og  i  attributiv  stilling,  men  har  over- 
hovedet  ikke  nogen  udstrakt  anvendelse. 

"  Navnlig  er  det  passive  prsesensparticip  meget  sjeldent  som 
attribut,  og  hyppigst  bruges  det  i  forbindelse  med  verbet  vera 
forat  betegne,  at  en  handling  bor  eller  maa  ske  (er  tilb0rlig  eller 
nddvendig).  Denne  forbindelse  svarer  til  den  latinske  saa- 
kaldte  omskrivende  konjugation  i  passiv,  og  anvendes  ogsaa 
fortrinsvis  i  saadanne  skrifter,  hvor  latinsk  paavirkning  er 
kjendelig. 

"  Hvor  participiet  er  prsedikatsord,  er  subjektet,  og  hvor  det 
er  attribut,  det  substantiv,  hvortil  det  er  f0iet,  en  person  eller 
ting,  som  i  aktiv  er  gjenstand  for  verbets  virksomhed.  Det 
logiske  subjekt  saettes  i  dativ. 

"  Sjelden  bruges  det  passive  part,  upersonligt  med  vera:  er 
fra  hanum  ekki  lengra  segjandi  (Str.  35.38). 

"  Af  intransitive  verber  kan  neutrum  af  participiet  bruges  i 
passiv  betydning  med  verbet  vera  som  et  upersonligt  udtryk,  og 


188  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

dertil  kan  foies  den  styrelse,  hvornied  verbet  forbindes  i  aktiv : 
slikt  hit  sama  er  rennandi  (currendum  est)  meS.  sannri  van  til 
hugganar  yfirlegrar  mildi  (Horn.  7.  2)  ;  allra  hluta  fyrst  er 
manni  leitandi  (quaerendum  est  homini)  hvat  se  sonn  speki 
(Horn.  3,  6).  .  . 

"  Ganske  enkeltvis  findes  et  lignende  upersonligt  udtryk  af 
transitive  verber  med  tilf0iet  objekt  i  akkusativ:  i  hvern  tima 
gefanda  er  bverja  gjof  (Kgs.  170.7)  ;  "  etc. 

On  p.  225,  Professor  Nygaard  gives  some  interesting  statis- 
tics as  to  the  relative  infrequency  of  the  present  participle 
(whether  with  or  without  an  object  and  whether  active  or 
passive  in  sense)  in  the  earlier  and  more  original  Old  Norse 
works.  He  states  that  not  a  single  example  of  the  present 
participle  with  a  passive  sense  is  found  in  the  Elder  Edda. 

Still  later,  on  p.  227,  Professor  Nygaard  takes  up  the  ques- 
tion as  to  the  origin  of  the  use  of  the  present  participle  in  a 
passive  sense  in  Old  Norse.  Eecalling  his  statement  that  no 
example  of  this  idiom  is  found  in  the  Elder  Edda,  and  that  the 
construction  appears  chiefly  in  translations  from  the  Latin  or 
in  imitations  of  Latin  works,  I  expected  him  to  say  what 
all  of  his  evidence  seemed  to  make  probable  if  not  inevitable, 
namely,  that  the  construction  is  due  to  Latin  influence.  But  not 
so ;  here  is  his  to  me  surprizing  answer :  "  Men  hvorledes  er  de 
to  forskjellige  betydninger,  den  aktive  og  den  passive,  at  stille 
til  hinanden  ?  er  den  sidste  yngre  end  den  f0rste,  og  naar  er  den 
isaafald  opstaaet?  Derom  er  det  vanskeligt  at  udtale  sig  med 
bestemthed.  Vistnok  forholder  det  sig,  som  paapeget,  saa,  at 
den  passive  brug  ikke  forekommer  i  den  seldre  edda,  medens 
den  f.  ex.  i  '  Kongespeilet '  er  temmelig  almindelig.  Deraf  tor 
man  dog  ikke  slutte,  at  den  f0rst  er  udviklet  i  en  senere  tid  og 
slet  ikke  fandtes  paa  det  sprogtrin,  der  reprsesenteres  af  edda. 
Rimeligvis  er  den  gammel,  men  bar  i  tidligere  tider  vseret 
endnu  mere  tilbagetra?dende  i  forhold  til  den  aktive  brug,  end 
den  senere  blev.  Men  det  synes  at  vsere  sikkert,  at  de  to  betyd- 
ninger ikke  er  lige  oprindelige  i  alle  slags  verber,  at  de  tvserti- 
mod  fra  f0rst  af  har  vseret  knvttede  til  hver  sin  gruppe.     Det 


The  Infinitive  189 

samme  suffix  liar,  i'0iet  til  verbalstammen,  af  intransitive  verber 
dannet  et  aktivt  verbaladjektiv  og  af  transitive  verber  et  passivt. 
Saaledes  er  jo  ogsaa  tilfseldet  med  det  andet  verbaladjektiv,  det 
saakaldte  fortidsparticip,  at  de  samme  suffixer  i  intransitive 
verber  f rembringer  begrebet :  '  indtraadt  i  en  vis  stilling  eller 
tilstand  '  (aktivt),  og  i  transitive:  '  bragt  i  en  vis  stilling  eller 
tilstand,  paavirket,  behandlet '  (passivt).  Det  aktive  particip 
har  endvidere  fra  f0rst  af  havt  sin  anvendelse  i  apposition  og 
som  attribut,  ikke  i  prsedicering,  medens  det  passive  fortrinsvis 
er  benvttet  i  den  sidste  stilling.  Senere  er  dette  forbold  for- 
rykket,  idet  ogsaa  transitive  verber  danner  part,  med  aktiv  be- 
tydning  (meget  sjelden  faar  man  derimod  omvendt  passive 
part,  af  intransitive  verber),  saaat  altsaa  begge  betydninger 
kan  findes  ved  siden  af  hinanden  i  samme  ord.  Disse  aktive 
participier  af  trans,  verber  bruges  f0rst  som  substantiver  til 
at  betegne  den  handlende  person,  siden  ogsaa  adjektivisk.  Sam- 
tidig  dermed  er  man  ogsaa  begyndt  at  anvende  det  aktive  part, 
i  prsedicering.  Allersidst  opstaar  enkelte  reflexiv-formede 
nutidsparticiper  (sic)  med  reflexiv  eller  passiv  betydning." 

Whether,  in  his  more  recent  and  brief  treatment  of  the  pres- 
ent participle  with  a  passive  meaning,  given  twenty-seven  years 
later  in  his  Norr0n  Syntax  (Kristiania,  1906),  Professor  Ny- 
gaard  still  holds  to  the  same  view  as  to  the  origin  of  this  con- 
struction in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  it  is  difficult  to  deter- 
mine from  his  statements.  To  me,  however,  the  later  state- 
ments seem  somewhat  more  favorable  to  the  theory  of  Latin 
influence  than  do  the  earlier  ones.  Of  the  present  participle 
with  passive  signification  he  says,  in  §239  of  his  Norr0n  Syn- 
tax: "  Som  prsedikatsord  f0ies  det  i  F.  S.38  ikke  ganske  sjelden 
isser  til  vera.  .  .  .  Hyppigere  bruges  det  saaledes  i  L.  S.38 
Xavnlig  bruges  her  meget  ofte  dette  passive 39  part,  i  forb. 
med  vera  som  en  omskrivning  for  at  betegne,  at  en  handling 

M  F.  S.  =  Folkelig  Stil,  'popular  style';  and  L.  S.  =  Lserd  Stil,  'learned 
style.' 

39  He  means  the  present  participle  used  in  a  passive  sense,  both  here  and 
in  my  next  quotation. 


190  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

b0r,  maa,  kan  ske  (er  tilb0rlig,  n0dvendig,  mulig)  i  lighed  med 
den  latinske  omskrivende  konjugation  i  passiv."  And  in  his 
summary  concerning  the  present  participle,  he  says,  among 
other  things,  in  §  242 :  "  Det  oprindelige  forhold  med  hensyn 
til  prses.  part,  synes  altsaa  at  have  vaeret :  prses.  part,  af  intran- 
sitive verber  har  aktiv,  af  transitive  passiv  betydning ;  de  f 0rste 
bruges  i  apposition  og  som  attribut,  sjelden  i  prsedicering ;  de 
sidste,  som  idethele  er  lidet  hyppige,  saagodtsom  udelukkende 
som  prsedikatsord ;  prses.  part,  er  i  det  vsesentlige  at  betragte 
som  adjektiver;  de  har  ingen  fremtraedende  tidsbetydning  og 
har  nominal  styrelse  (genitiv). 

"  Saaledes  vedbliver  ogsaa  idethele  sprogbrugen  at  vsere  i 
F.  S. 

"  I  L.  S.  udvides  og  modificeres  brugen  ved  paavirkning  af 
fremmede  analogier,  navnlig  det  latinske  nutidsparticip  og 
passive  verbaladjektiv. 

"  Det  aktive  part,  dannes  her  ogsaa  af  transitive  verber  og 
faar  verbal  karakter  (med  tydelig  tidsbetydning  og  verbal  styr- 
else) . 

"  Det  passive  part,  bruges  i  forb.  med  vera  hyppig  som  et 
omskrevet  udtryk  om  pligt,  n0dvendighed  eller  mulighed  (i 
lighed  med  latinsk  omskrivende  konjugation  i  passiv)." 

Possibly  Professor  Nygaard's  position  is  this :  the  passive  use 
of  the  present  participle  was  a  native  Germanic  construction, 
but  its  use  was  extended  by  Latin  influence.  To  me,  however,  it 
seems  more  probable  that,  in  Old  Norse  as  in  Northumbrian, 
the  idiom  owes  its  origin  to  the  Latin.  This  view  gains  in 
probability,  I  think,  if  we  recall  that  in  several  other  construc- 
tions, notably  in  the  absolute  use  of  the  dative  and  in  the  apposi- 
tive  use  of  the  present  participle  governing  an  accusative  object, 
Old  Norse,  according  to  Professor  Nygaard  himself,  was  a 
direct  borrower  from  the  Latin,  as  was  Old  English  also. 

Professor  Heusler  calls  the  passive  use  of  the  present  parti- 
ciple its  gerundive  use,  and  seems  to  consider  that  this  idiom  is 
not  of  native  origin.  See  §  423  of  his  Altisldndisches  Elemen- 
tarbuch  (Heidelberg,  1913),  which  runs  as  follows: — 


The  Infinitive  191 

"  Von  dem  Gesagten  40  sind  auch  in  der  heimischen  Prosa 
ausgenommen: 

"1.  Die  substantivierten  Partt.,  die  namentlich  in  der 
Rechtssprache  beliebt  sind ;  sie  werden  auch  von  Transitiva  ge- 
bildet :  veriande  '  Verteidiger/  teliendr  '  die  Herzahler.' 

"  Die  Partt.  mit  gerundiver  Bedeutung,  meistens  pradika- 
tive:  er  per  pess  ekke  bipianda  i  dir  ist  nicht  darum  zu  bitten 
(die  Bitte  stent  dir  nicht  an)  ' ;  peim  liQfpingia,  er  mer  se 
eigande  vinatta  vip  '  einem  Hauptling,  mit  dem  es  sich  mir 
verlohnte  Freundschaft  zu  haben.'  Selten  attributiv:  skogar- 
mapr  feriande  '  ein  fuhrbarer  (einschiffbarer)  Waldmann.'  ' 

On  the  other  hand,  Professor  H.  Logeman,  in  an  instructive 
article  entitled  "  Det  Saakaldte  Passive  Nutidsparticip  i  Norsk 
og  i  Beslsegtede  Sprog,"  published  in  the  Arkiv  for  Nordisk 
Filologi,  xxx,  1913-1914,  pp.  17-42,  takes  a  somewhat  different 
view  of  the  idiom  that  I  have  been  discussing.  He  holds  that, 
in  the  Scandinavian  examples  of  the  sort  that  I  have  quoted 
from  Nygaard,  we  have  in  reality,  not  a  present  participle  used 
in  a  passive  sense,  but  a  modified  form  of  the  infinitive,  the  d 
in  -nde  having  been,  he  thinks,  developed  from  a  hypothetical 
inflected  infinitive  very  much  as  in  the  High  German  Gerund, 
or  Present  Participle  of  Necessity;  and  that,  in  this  supposed 
phonetic  development  in  the  Scandinavian  languages,  there  is 
no  sure  ground  for  assuming  outside  influence  either  from  the 
Latin  or  from  the  German.  For  this  assumed  native  origin  of 
the  so-called  present  participle  in  a  passive  sense,  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian languages,  Professor  Logeman  offers  interesting,  but, 
to  me,  not  convincing  arguments.  In  particular,  his  assumption 
that  the  Scandinavian  languages  once  had  an  inflected  infinitive, 
seems  to  me  not  supported  by  sufficient  evidence.  But  whether 
the  Scandinavian  -nde  in  a  passive  sense,  as  in  the  examples 
from  Nygaard,  was  originally  a  participial  form  or  a  new  for- 
mation from  a  hypothetical  inflected  infinitive  in  -enne,  I  must 
hold,  contrary  to  Professor  Logeman,  that  the  Latin  40"  influ- 

40  The  reference  here  is  to  his  §  422,  which  I  have  quoted  in  full  on  pp. 
56-57  above. 


192  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

ence  was  primary,  and  that  the  phonetic  4°a  influence,  if  it- 
existed  at  all,  was  secondary.  Otherwise  I  cannot  account  for 
the  fact,  vouched  for  by  Professor  ISTygaard,  that  in  the  Scan- 
dinavian languages  the  -nde  form  in  a  passive  sense  occurs  first 
in,  and  is  restricted  almost  solely  to,  translations  from  the  Latin. 
This  conviction  as  to  the  Latin  origin  of  the  Old  Norse  present 
participle  in  a  passive  sense  is  strengthened  by  a  consideration 
of  the  kindred  idiom  of  the  Swedish  language  discussed  in  my 
next  paragraph. 

•  Another  Scandinavian  analogue  to  the  Northumbrian  Ellip- 
tical Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction  is  found  in  the 
Middle  Swedish  use  of  a  present  participle  h*  a  passive  sense, 
which  Professor  Adolf  Noreen  tells  us  was  due  to  Latin  influ- 
ence. Of  this  idiom  Professor  Noreen  speaks  as  follows  in  his 
Geschichte  der  Nordischen  Sprachen  Besonders  in  Altnor- 
discher  Zeit,  3d  ed.,  Strassburg,  1913,  §  274:  uEin  Participium 
Futuri  activi  und  passivi  wird  bisweilen  im  Altschwedischen 
seit  um  1350  (bes.  aber  mschw.)  zur  Wiedergabe  der  latei- 
nischen  Bildungen  auf  -urus  und  -ndus  geschaffen  und  /.war 
durch  Zusammensetzung  des  Infinitivs  mit  dem  Part.  Pras. 
skolande  i  werdend,'  '  sollend,'  z.  B.  homaskolande  '  venturus,' 
dyrhaskoJande  '  venerandus.'  Wahrscheinlich  sind  diese  For- 
men,  die  offenbar  dem  Lateinisehen  nachgebildet  sind  und  bald 
wieder  schwinden,  nie  in  die  gesprochene  Sprache  einge- 
drungen." 

■""Concerning  the  genesis  of  the  -ende  form  preceded  by  to  in  Old  English. 
Dr.  Logeman  makes  a  statement  in  the  article  under  discussion,  pp.  28-29, 
and  in  his  "  Introduction  "  to  The  Rule  of  St.  Benet  (London,  1889).  SS  89- 
92.  He  holds  that  this  Old  English  form,  by  some  called  the  Participle  of 
Necessity,  was  due  primarily  to  phonetic  influence  and  only  secondarily, 
if  at  all,  to  Latin  influence.  Accordingly  he  disapproves  of  the  statement 
of  Professor  Eduard  Sievers  (in  his  Angelsachaiache  Grammatik.  3d  ed.. 
Halle,  1898,  §  350,  Anm.),  who  considers  that  the  Old  English  development 
in  question  is  due  primarily  to  Latin  influence.  Neither  of  these  scholars 
refers  to  what  I  have  denominated  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive 
Construction,  but  Professor  Sievers  does  state  that  occasionally  in  the 
LvnMsfarne  Gospels  a  Latin  gerundive  is  rendered  by  a  pure  present  parti- 
ciple instead  of  the  participle  of  necessity,  which  latter  is  made  up  of  to 
plus  the  form  in  -nde,  as  to  donde  =  faoiendus. 


The  Infinitive  193 

In  High  German,  also,  we  find  a  construction  somewhat  akin 
to  the  Northumbrian  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Con- 
struction. In  the  New  High  German  Gerund,  or,  as  some 
prefer  to  call  it,  the  Participle  of  Necessity,  we  have,  as  is 
well  known,  a  present  participle  that  is  preceded  by  zu,  that 
is  used  attributively  only,  and  that  is  passive  in  sense,  as  in 
ein  nicht  zu  ubersehender  Umstand,  i  a  circumstance  not  to  be 
overlooked.'  In  his  Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  des  Gerundivs  im 
Deutschen,  a  Heidelberg  dissertation  of  1909,  Dr.  Victor  Eck- 
ert  has  summarized  the  several  divergent  views  held  by  the 
grammarians  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Gerund  in  German.  De- 
spite Dr.  Eckert's  opinion  to  the  contrary,  it  seems  to  me  that 
the  theory  stated  by  the  late  Professor  W.  Wilmanns  is  most 
likely  to  prove  the  correct  one.  This  theory  is  perhaps  most 
succinctly  stated  in  his  Deutsche  Grammatik  ( Strassburg., 
1896),  ii,  §385,  which  runs  as  follows:  "Nicht  selten  ver- 
binden  wir  den  Infinitiv  mit  zu  mit  dem  Verbum  Substanti- 
vum,41  z.  B.  '  der  Schritt  war  nicht  zu  vermeiden.  Besserung 
ist  kaum  zu  hoffen.  Die  Handlung  ist  zu  loben.'  Im  Go- 
tischen  begegnet  diese  Construction  nicht,  haufig  im  Ahd.  Sie 
entspricht  wesentlich  dem  lat.  Gerundium  und  breitet  sich  wohl 
auch  unter  dem  Einfluss  des  Gerundiums  aus;  z.  B.  ze  hara- 
wenne  sint  praeparanda  sunt ;  ze  kesezzenne  ist  constituenda  est ; 
sindun  zi  chilaubanne  credendi  sunt.  Seit  dem  12.  Jahr.  fangt 
dieser  Infinitiv  an,  die  Endung  -ende  anzunehmen,  zuerst  im 
Md.,  dann  auch  im  Alemannischen  (Whd.  §  372.  400)  und  in 
dieser  mit  dem  Participium  Priis.  iibereinstimmenden  Form 
ist  im  Nhd.  der  Infinitiv  aus  seiner  pradicativen  Stellung  in 
attributiven  Gebrauch  iibergegangen,  so  dass  er  zu  einem  Par- 
ticipium necessitatis  geworden  ist,  das  jedoch  auf  den  attribu- 
tiven Gebrauch  beschra'nkt  bleibt.,  z.  B.  '  die  noch  zu  beset- 
zenden  Stellen,  ein  nicht  zu  unterschatzender  Gegner,  eine  kaum 
zu  erwartende  Wendung,  hochzuverehrender  Herr,'  aber  '  die 

41  How  the  Infinitive  with  zu  came  to  denote  necessity  is  discussed  by 
Wilmanns  in  the  third  volume  of  his  Deutsche  Grammatik  (Strassburg, 
1906),  §  70,  6,  and  more  at  length  by  the  present  writer  in  The  Infinitive 
in  Anglo-Saxon,  pp.  200-203,  239-240. 

13 


194  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

Stellen  sind  noch  zu  besetzen,  der  Gegner  ist  nicht  zu  unter- 
schatzen  '  etc.  Gescbmackvolle  Darstellung  geht  diesen  Formen 
noch  gern  aus  dem  Wege;  oft  stehen  statt  ihrer  Verbaladjectiva 
auf  -lich  zu  Gebote.  Gr.  4,  66.  113.  Heyse  1,  692  1"  Wil- 
manns returns  to  the  question  in  the  third  volume  of  his 
Deutsche  Grammatik  (Strassburg,  1906),  §  31,  2,  which  sec- 
tion, though  in  part  identical  with  what  I  have  just  quoted, 
deserves  quotation  here  because  of  some  additional  information 
conveyed  therein :  "  Das  Part.  Pras.  fallt  durch  Assimilation 
des  -nd  und  Apokope  des  auslautenden  e  {-ende  >  ene,  >  -en) 
vielfach  mit  dem  Infinitiv  zusammen42).  Auch  diese  Entar- 
tung  begegnet  zuerst  im  Ndd.  und  Md.,  (einmal  schon  im  Arn- 
steiner  Marienleich  MSD.  38,  236),  wurde  dann  aber  in 
manehen  Verbindungen,  in  denen  man  das  Part,  als  selbstan- 
diges  Satzglied  nicht  mehr  fiihlte.  von  der  Schriftsprache  ange- 
nommen   (§  61). 

"  Umgekehrt  nahm  der  Infinitiv  mit  zu  die  Endung  des  Par- 
tizipinms  an  und  ging  als  ein  Part,  necessitatis  in  attributiven 
Gebrauch  iiber  {ein  nicht  zu  ubersehender  Umstand  u.  dgl.). 
Die  Beruhrung  mit  dem  lat.  Gerundium,  das  schon  in  der  Bene- 
diktiner-Regel  einmal  durch  diese  Form  wiedergegeben  wird 
(Hattemer  98,  2  nuntianda  =  ze  chundande),  wird  die  Ent- 
wickehmg  unterstiitzt  haben.     S.  n,  §  385.     Erdmann  §  137." 

This  explanation  of  the  Gerund  offered  by  Wilmanns  is  sub- 
stantially concurred  in  by  Oskar  Erdmann,  in  his  Grundziige 
der  Deutschen  Syntax  (Stuttgart,  1886),  i,  §  137  ;  by  Friedrieh 
Blatz,  in  his  Neuhochdeutsche  Grammatik,  3rd  ed.  (Karlsruhe, 
1896),  ii,  §  160,  a.  2  ;  and  by  Professor  Otto  Behaghel,43  in  his 
Geschichte  der  Deutschen  Spra\che,  3rd  ed.  (in  Paul's  Grundriss 
der  Germanischen  Philologie,  Strassburg,  1911),  p.  184. 

But,  whatever  may  be  the  final  decision  as  to  the  precise 
origin  of  the  High  German  Gerund,  the  Gerund  certainly  has 

""Mit  besonderem  Fleiss,  aber  nicht  iiberall  mit  richtijjer  Beurteilunir 
hat  Bech  diese  Erscheinung  verfolgt.    ZfdW.  1,  81." 

43  Professor  Behaghel,  I.  c,  p.  184,  gives  substantially  the  same  explana- 
tion of  the  confusion  of  the  forms  of  the  present  participle  and  of  the 
infinitive  in  German  as  does  Wilmanns,  but  of  the  Gerund  itself  he  does 
not  speak  specifically. 


The  Infinitive  195 

several  points  of  striking  similarity  with  the  Northumbrian 
Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construction:  a  form  of 
the  present  participle  has  a  passive 4*  signification  in  High 
German  and  in  Northumbrian;  confusion  of  participle  and  of 
inflected  infinitive  forms  (however  brought  about)  occurs  in 
High  German  and  in  Northumbrian ;  and  the  inflected  infinitive 
of  necessity  in  Northumbrian  and  the  prepositional  infinitive  of 
necessity  in  High  German,  from  which  latter  probably  was  de- 
veloped the  Participle  of  Necessity,  or  the  Gerund,  in  High 
German,  were  each  probably  suggested  by  the  presence  of  the 
gerund  in  the  Latin  originals. 

Of  interest  in  this  connection  is  Dr.  J.  A.  H.  Murray's  state- 
ment concerning  the  passive  of  action  in  Scotch,  in  his  The  Dia- 
lect of  the  Southern  Counties  of  Scotland,  London,  1873,  p. 
225 :  "  To  express  the  Passive  of  action,  equal  to  the  Latin 
cpclificatur,  cedificabatur ,  cedificabitur ,  the  Scotch  uses  the  form 
the  hoose  is  buildan.'  This  is  not  a  contraction  of  the  Old 
Eng.  a-building,  as  the  form  is  not  the  gerund  but  the  participle, 
and  represents  the  middle  voice  buildan'  itseV ,  and  thus  bevn.g 
built.  But  as  this  form,  being  identical  with  the  Active  voice, 
would  often  cause  ambiguity,  it  is  usual  in  Scotch,  as  in  French, 
to  make  such  sentences  active,  with  the  indefinite  Nominative 
tliay,  pronounced  (dh),  Fr.  on.  Thus,  'many  houses  are  at 
present  being  built  here,'  would  be  rendered  '  The're  buildan' 
monie  hooses  heir  the-nuw.'  " 

To  consider  the  Modern  English  is  doing  in  the  sense  of  is 
being  done  would  take  us  too  far  afield.  An  interesting  dis- 
cussion of  the  divergent  views  concerning  the  origin  of  this 
idiom,  however,  is  given  by  Dr.  Alfred  Akerlund,  "  A  Word  on 
the  Passive  Definite  Tenses,"  in  Englische  Studien,  xlvii,  1914, 
pp.  321-337. 

44  To  speak  of  the  alleged  instances  of  a  Germanic  present  participle  in 
a  passive  sense  other  than  in  the  gerundial  combination  would  carry  us 
too  far  afield.  On  this  point  see  Grimm,  I.  c,  iv,  p.  68;  Wilmanns,  I.  c, 
in,  §58;  Erdmann,  Grundziige  der  Deutschen  Syntax,  I,  §  132;  and  Blatz, 
V enhochdeutsche  Grammatik,  II,  §   161,  a.  4. 


196  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 


PASSAGES   IN    WHICH    AN    INFINITIVE    IS   USED   UNALLOWABLY   IN 
THE   "  LINDISFARNE   GOSPELS  " 

I  gather  together  here  several  passages  in  which  an  Infinitive 
Is  Used  Unallowably  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels: — 

1.     The  Uninflected  Infinitive 

Mk.  3.2 :  (5a3tte  hia  geteldon  uel  nidria  hine  =  nt  accusarent 
ilium  (Rushw. :  (5a3t  hise  teldun  uel  nifiradun  hine ;  W.  S. :  Sset 
hi  hine  gewregdun).  [Here,  clearly,  the  glossator  merely 
names  by  the  infinitive  form  a  word  synonymous  with  geteldon 
without  going  further  and  putting  the  word  in  the  proper  form 
of  the  finite  verb.] 

J.  I.  1.3 :  (5one  of  hsendum  uel  of  brydlopum  (5a3t  lust  uifes 
gemana  eftgeceigde  god  =  quern  de  nuptis  uoluntem  (sic  for 
uolentemf)  nub  ere  reuocauit  deus.  [The  glossator  seems  to 
misunderstand  uoluntem  for  uoluntatem  instead  of  uolentem, 
and  leaves  gemana  without  a  governing  verb.] 


2.     The  Inflected  Infinitive 

Mat.  I.  20. 5a:  alle  willo  to  fylgenna  hine  lsereS  onsaca  hine 
seolfne  =  omnem  uoluntatem  (sic  for  uolentem?)  sequi  se  do- 
cet  abnegare  se  ipsum.  [The  error  arose  as  in  the  preceding 
example.] 

MJc.  I.  2.2 :  for(5on  alexandriniscse  biscob  was  Sses  uel  his 
(5erh  ana  uel  syndrigo  woerc  wiste  uel  to  uutanne  godspelles  in 
him  gecuoedna  tosceada  &  (5one  (5eodscip  in  him  ass  (5sette  oncnea- 
wa  uel  were  oncnauen  (5set  godeund  =  nam  alexandriae  episco- 
pus  fuit  cuius  per  singula  opus  scire  euangelii  in  se  dicta  dis- 
ponere  et  disciplinam  in  se  legis  agnosceret.  [Or  is  the  infini- 
tive here,  in  Northumbrian  and  in  Latin,  a  predicate  nomina- 
tive ?] 

I  close  this  chapter  with  Synoptic  Tables  showing  the  Uses 
of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  and  Some  Substi- 
tutes for  the  Infinitive  therein. 


SYNOPTIC  TABLE  OF  THE  USES   OF   THE   INFINITIVE   IN  THE 
"LINDISFARNE   GOSPELS" 

The  Active  Infinitive  with  Active  Verbs 


Use: 

Totals 
U.          I. 

Matthew 
U.            I. 

Mark 
U.           I. 

Luke 
U.          I. 

John 
U.            I. 

Subjective:                     Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

29         23 

2G            18 
3             5 

12             8 

10             4 

2             4 

11             4 
11             4 

6         11 
5         10 
1           1 

.. 

Objective  :                      Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

157           37 
129           32 

28             5 

45             2 
29             2 
16 

45             3 
41             2 

4             1 

54           21 

48           19 
6             2 

13           11 

11             9 

2             2 

Other   Substantival   Uses  : 

(1)  As   a   Pred.-Nom. — 

Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

(2)  As  an   Appositive — 

Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

(3)  As  the  Obj.  of  a  Prep. — 

Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

1             1 
1 

1 

5             1 
5             1 

1             4 

i         i 

1 

'.'.         i 

2 

2 

1 
1 

1             1 

1             1 

2 

2 

1             3 
i           3 

1 
1 

Predicative    with    Aux. 

Verb  :                       Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

Not 
counted      7 
6 
1 

5 
4 
1 

2 

2 

Predic.  with  Wutun:     Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

7 

7 

2 

3 
3 

1 
1 

1 
1 

Predicative    with    Bia(n) 
( Wosa) : 

(1)  Of   Necessity —    Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

(2)  Of  Purpose —       Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

21 
4 

17 
2 
1 
1 

9 
9 

2 
2 

4 
1 
3 
2 
1 
1 

6 
3 
3 

Predicative  with  Acc.  Subj.  : 

(1)  As   Object—       Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

(2)  As  Subject —       Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

65          41 
38             4 
27          37 
31             1 
28 
3             1 

24           17 
14             2 
10           15 
14 
12 
2 

10             6 
6             2 
4             4 
5 
5 

22           14 

14 
S           14 
y            1 
9 

1 

9             4 

4 

5             4 

3 

2 

1 

Final  :                              Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

54           82 

46           77 

8             5 

20           30 

20           29 

0             1 

5  16 

6  14 
2             2 

15           29 

13           28 

2             1 

11            7 
9             6 
2             1 

Infin.  with  Adject.  :    Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

7            8 
7            8 

3             1 
3             1 

2             1 

2             1 

2             6 

2             6 

Other    Adverbial    Uses: 

(1)  Of    Cause —         Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

(2)  Of  Result—         Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

(3)  Of  Means —         Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

1 
1 

2 
2 

i 

1 

1 

i 

; 

1 
1 

!             2 
2 

Infin.   with    Nouns:     Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

7          17 
6          10 
1            7 

3 

1 
2 

2 
2 

?,              6 
2             3 
1             3 

4             6 
4             4 

2 

Imperative:                    Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

7 
6 
1 

2              0 
2             0 

4 
3 
1 

1 
1 

197 


SYNOPTIC   TABLE   OF   THE   USES  OF  THE  INFINITIVE   IN  THE 
"  LINHISFARNE   GOSPELS"    (Continued) 

The  Active  Infinitive  with  Passive  Verbs 


Use: 

Totals 
U.            I. 

Matthew 
U.           I. 

Mark 
U.           I. 

Luke 
U.           I. 

JOHN 

U.           I. 

Subjective  :                    Total. 
Gosp.  . 
Int. 

12           10 
12           10 

2             3 
2             3 

4            3              4            3 
4             3               4             3 

2              1 
2            1 

Objective:                        Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

4             2 

1 

4             1 

2             1 
1 

2 

1 
1 

1 

1          .'. 

1 

1 

Predicative  with  Acc.  Subj.  : 

(1)  As  Object—         Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

(2)  As  Subject—       Total. 

Gosp. 
Int. 

5             1 
2             1 
S 

i 
l 

5           .'. 
2 

3           '.'. 

Fhial  :                              Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

1 

1 

.. 

1 
1 

. . 

::     :: 

The  Passive  Infinitive  with  Active  Verbs 


Predicative    with 

Aux. 

Verbs: 

Total. 
Gosp. 
Int. 

2 
2 

2 
2 
.  . 

" 

The  Passive  Infinitive  with  Passive  Vfbbs 
No  example  has  been   found. 


SOME  SUBSTITUTES  FOR  THE  INFINITIVE 


Predicate  Nominate  i      i 

Present  Ptc.  :      Total. 

Gosp. 

Int. 

Predicate  Accusative  op 

Present  Ptc.       Total. 

96 

27 

26 

19 

34 

Gosp. 

94 

25 

26 

19 

24 

Int. 

2 

2 

•• 

Elliptical   Accusative- 

witm-Infinitive 

Construction  : 

(a)  Acc  an<l  Pros.  Ptc 

Total. 

20 

5 

3 

11 

1 

Gosp. 

Int. 

20 

5 

3 

ii 

i 

(b)  Acc.  and  Pret.  Ptc. 

Total. 

9 

2 

3 

3 

1 

Gosp. 

1 

l 

Int. 

8 

2 

3 

3 

198 


CHAPTER    IV 


RESULTS 

I  briefly  sum  up  what  seem  to  me  to  be  the  Results  of  this 
investigation,  first,  concerning  the  Participle  and,  secondly, 
concerning  the  Infinitive : — 

I.     THE  PARTICIPLE 

A.    The  Absolute  Pabticiple 

1.  The  normal  Case  of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Lin- 
disfarne  Gospels  is  the  dative-instrumental.  Occasionally 
(about  21  times)  the  accusative  is  so  used;  and  rarely  (about 
10  times),  the  nominative.  With  each  of  these  absolute  cases, 
the  participle  is  at  times  not  inflected ;  and  each  case  has  variant 
forms.  In  West  Saxon,  only  the  dative-instrumental  case  is 
used  absolutely. 

2.  The  Uses  of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Lindisfame 
Gospels  correspond  closely  to  those  of  the  dative-instrumental 
absolute  in  West-Saxon  and  of  the  ablative  absolute  in  Latin. 
The  Absolute  Participle  denotes  chiefly  Time,  occasionally  Co- 
ordination, and  less  frequently  still  Manner,  Means,  Cause,  and 
Concession. 

3.  Although  we  cannot  draw  positive  conclusions  from  a 
single  text,  in  all  probability  the  ultimate  Origin  of  the  Absolute 
Participle  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  whether  in  the  dative- 
instrumental,  the  accusative,  or  the  nominative,  is  to  be  found 
in  the  Latin  original.  In  all  instances  except  two  (with  the 
dative-instrumental),  the  Northumbrian  absolute  participle 
translates  a  Latin  ablative  absolute ;  and  in  the  two  exceptional 
instances,  it  translates  a  Latin  appositive  participle.  But.  while 
the  absolute  construction  with  the  accusative  and  with  the  nomi- 
native is  (as  with  the  dative-instrumental)  due  ultimately  to 
the  influence  of  the  Latin  absolute  construction  of  the  original, 

199 


200  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

the  particular  case  used,  the  accusative  or  the  nominative, 
seems  to  depend  upon  tendencies  within  the  Northumbrian  dia- 
lect itself.  The  absolute  use  of  the  accusative  seems  to  spring  im- 
mediately from  the  Northumbrian  interchange  (or  confusion) 
of  dative  and  accusative,  of  which  several  other  instances  are 
cited  in  our  study.  The  nominative  absolute,  on  the  other 
hand,  appears  to  arise  from  the  confusion  of  two  constructions, 
that  of  the  nominative  subject  to  a  finite  verb  and  that  of  an 
oblique  subject  to  an  absolute  participle.  In  several  of  the  pas- 
sages having  the  absolute  nominative,  the  glossator  gives  two 
alternative  renderings,  (1)  the  finite  verb  and  (2)  the  parti- 
ciple, the  former  calling  for  a  nominative  and  the  latter  for  an 
oblique  case ;  but,  in  all  except  three  of  the  ten  examples  of  the 
absolute  nominative,  the  glossator  gives  us  the  nominative  only ; 
and,  in  the  three  exceptional  examples,  the  nominative  inter- 
changes with  the  accusative.  But,  while  the  Latin  influence  in 
the  development  of  the  absolute  construction  in  Northumbrian 
and  in  West-Saxon  was  primary,  there  was  at  work  a  secondary 
influence  of  native  origin,  which  is  manifested  in  the  expres- 
sions made  up  of  a  preposition  (in  Northumbrian  usually  mid, 
in  West-Saxon  be)  plus  a  substantive  and  a  participle  in  the 
dative-instrumental,  possibly,  also,  of  a  substantive  in  the  dative 
of  the  person  interested  plus  a  participle  in  the  dative :  see  p.  44 
above. 

4.  The  ungenuineness  of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the 
Lindisfame  Gospels  is  further  evidenced  by  this:  despite  the 
fact  that  he  is  making  an  interlinear  translation,  the  North- 
umbrian glossator  in  the  majority  of  instances  renders  the 
Latin  ablative  absolute  otherwise  than  by  the  absolute  con- 
struction, usually  by  a  co-ordinated  finite  verb  or,  somewhat  less 
frequently,  by  a  subordinated  finite  verb. 

5.  Except  as  to  the  Accusative  Absolute  and  the  Nominative 
Absolute,  idioms  unknown  in  West-Saxon,  the  results  of  our 
study  of  the  Absolute  Participle  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 
correspond  very  closely  with  those  derived  from  a  study  of  this 
idiom  in  West-Saxon.     The  Dative-Instrumental  Absolute,  not 


Results  201 

only  in  West-Saxon  but  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole, 
was  an  importation  from  the  classical  languages ;  and  in  the 
large  majority  of  instances  the  Latin  ablative  absolute  was 
rendered  by  a  finite  verb.  As  indicated  in  the  preceeding  para- 
graphs, the  situation  with  reference  to  the  dative-instrumental 
absolute  is  substantially  the  same  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels. 
But  the  absolute  use  of  the  accusative  and  of  the  nominative, 
and  the  more  frequent  sloughing  off  of  participial  inflections, 
are  due  specifically  to  Northumbrian  influences,  as  already  in- 
dicated above. 

B.     The  Appositive  Pakticiple 

1.  In  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  the  Appositive  Participle 
occurs  oftenest  in  the  nominative  Case,  occasionally  in  the 
accusative  and  the  dative,  rarely  in  the  genitive.  The  situation 
is  substantially  the  same  in  West-Saxon. 

2.  In  each  of  these  cases,  the  appositive  participle  is  often 
not  Inflected ;  and  each  case  has  variant  forms.  Although  usu- 
ally following  the  strong  declension,  at  times  the  appositive  par- 
ticiple has  the  weak  declension.  Even  when  all  allowances  have 
been  made,  at  times  concord  is  lacking  between  participle  and 
principal,  much  oftener  than  in  West-Saxon. 

3.  The  Uses  of  the  Appositive  Participle,  as  in  West-Saxon, 
are  threefold : — 

(1)  Adjectival,  in  which  the  participle  is  equivalent  to  a 
dependent  adjectival  (relative)  clause. 

(2)  Adverbial,  in  which  the  participle  is  equivalent  to  a 
dependent  adverbial  (conjunctive)  clause;  subdivided  into  (a) 
modal  (manner  and  means),  (b)  temporal,  (c)  causal,  (d) 
finals  (e)  concessive,  and  (/)  conditional  clauses. 

(3)  Co-ordinate,  in  which  the  participle  is  substantially  equi- 
valent to  an  independent  clause ;  subdivided  into  (a)  the  "  cir- 
cumstantial "  participle  in  the  narrower  sense,  which  merely 
denotes  an  accompanying  circumstance;  and  (b)  the  "iterat- 
ing "  participle,  which  simply  repeats  the  idea  of  the  chief  verb. 

4.  As  to  the  Origin  of  the  Appositive  Participle  in  the  Lin- 


202  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne   Gospels 

disfarne  Gospels,  as  in  West-Saxon,  in  some  uses  it  seems  to  be 
(A)  native  and  in  others  (B)  foreign  (Latin). 

A.  Native 

(1)  In  the  following  uses  the  appositive  participle  appears 
to  be  a  native  English  idiom : — 

(a)  The  Adjectival  Use  of  the  preterite  participle  and,  pos- 
sibly, of  a  few  slightly  verbal  present  participles  like  living, 
lying  (licgende),  etc. 

(6)  The  Modal  Use  of  the  present  and  of  the  preterite  par- 
ticiple when  each  denotes  manner. 

(c)  Perhaps  the  Temporal  Use  of  a  few  present  participles 
of  slight  verbal  force  like  living  and  sleeping. 

B.  Foreign 

(2)  In  all  other  uses,  on  the  other  hand,  especially  when 
governing  an  accusative  object;,  the  appositive  participle  appears 
to  be  borrowed  from  the  Latin.  It  is  possible,  however,  that 
the  Causal  Use  of  the  preterite  participle  may  in  part  be  an 
extension  of  the  adjectival  preterite  participle;  and  that  the 
Final  Use  of  the  appositive  participle  may  in  part  be  due  to 
the  use  of  the  present  participle  after  verbs  of  motion. 

(3)  The  statements  of  (1)  and  of  (2)  above  are  substan- 
stiated,  I  believe,  by  the  following  considerations:  (a)  The 
uses  specified  in  (1)  occur  not  only  in  translating  Latin  appo- 
sitive participles,  but  occasionally  also  when  the  original  has  no 
participle,  (b)  The  uses  of  (1)  are  native  in  the  West-Saxon 
dialect  and,  probably,  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

(c)  The  uses  specified  in  (2),  with  the  rarest  exceptions,  occur 
only  in  translating  Latin  appositive  participles;  and  in  these 
uses  the  Latin  appositive  participle  is  far  oftener  translated  by 
a  finite  verb,  usually  co-ordinate  but  occasionally  subordinate. 

(d)  The  uses  of  (2)  are  due  to  foreign  (Latin)  influence  in  the 
West-Saxon  dialect  and,  probably,  in  the  Germanic  languages 
as  a  whole. 


Results  203 

(4)  From  the  statements  made  in  (l)-(3)  above  as  to  the 
different  origin  of  the  several  uses  of  the  appositive  participle, 
it  follows  that  the  Northumbrian  dialect,  like  the  West-Saxon, 
was  favorable  to  the  appositive  participle  with  pronounced  ad- 
jectival (descriptive)  force,  but  was  unfavorable  to  the  apposi- 
tive participle  with  strong  verbal  (assertive)  force,  though  not 
so  unfavorable  as  was  the  West-Saxon. 

5.  As  in  West-Saxon  and  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a 
whole,  so  in  Northumbrian,  originally  the  present  appositive 
participle  did  not  have  the  Power  of  Governing  a  Direct  Object 
in  construction.  Except  in  eight  examples  out  of  a  total  of  299, 
the  present  participle  with  a  direct  object  translates  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  with  an  object.  And  in  the  large  majority 
of  instances,  the  Latin  present  appositive  participle  with  an 
object  is  translated  by  a  finite  verb  in  the  Northumbrian  gloss. 

6.  Nor  did  the  preterite  appositive  participle  have  the 
power  of  governing  a  direct  object  in  the  IAndisfame  Gospels. 
Only  three  examples  occur  therein;  each  translates  a  Latin 
appositive  participle  with  an  object  (one  being  a  deponent 
participle  in  the  Latin)  ;  and  of  the  three,  one  is  in  all  proba- 
bility due  to  a  scribal  error,  as  is  indicated  in  the  statistics. 

7.  In  brief,  the  situation  with  reference  to  the  Appositive 
Participle  as  a  whole  is  quite  similar  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 
to  what  it  is  in  the  West-Saxon  translations  from  the  Latin 
and  in  the  translations  from  the  Greek  and  the  Latin  in  the 
other  Germanic  languages.  But,  as  was  to  be  expected,  the 
influence  of  the  Latin  is  more  powerful  in  the  Northumbrian 
gloss  than  in  the  West-Saxon  translations  proper. 

II.     THE  INFINITIVE 

A.     The  Active  Infinitive 

1.  In  respect  of  the  Form,  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  has  two 
active  infinitives:  (1)  the  uninflected,  ending  in  -a  or  in  -e, 
with  phonetic  variants,  which  in  origin  is  the  petrified  and 
weathered  nominative-accusative  case  of  a  neuter  noun  of  action, 


204  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

and  corresponds  to  the  West-Saxon  uninfected  infinitive  ending, 
-an;  and  (2)  the  inflected,  made  up  of  the  preposition  to  plus 
the  dative  case  of  the  uninflected  infinitive,  ending  in  -anne 
(-ciuie),  with  phonetic  variants.  Occasionally,  however,  we 
have  a  compromise  between  these  two,  as  in  to  singa  (to  singe) 
or  in  singenne  without  to,  both  of  which  forms  are  counted  as 
inflected  in  this  investigation.  Once  (in  Mat.  26.17b)  we  have 
the  infinitive  in  -anne  preceded  by  til  instead  of  to. 

2.  As  to  the  Voice  of  these  two  infinitives,  it  seems  to  me 
that  the  uninflected  infinitive  is  habitually  active  in  sense  as 
in  form  in  each  of  its  various  uses ;  but  in  several  uses  (sub- 
jective, objective,  and  predicative  (with  auxiliary  verbs  and 
with  accusative  subject) )  sporadic  examples  occur  of  this  in- 
finitive that,  though  active  in  form,  translates  a  Latin  passive 
infinitive,  and  seems  itself  to  be  passive  in  sense.  In  far  the 
majority  of  instances,  however,  the  uninflected  infinitive  that 
translates  a  Latin  passive  infinitive  is  itself  active  in  sense.  The 
inflected  infinitive,  also,  is  usually  active  in  sense  except  in  the 
predicative  use  with  bia(n)  (ivosa)  to  denote  necessity  (and 
once  to  denote  purpose),  in  which  it  is  invariably  passive  in 
sense,  and  in  the  predicative  use  with  accusative  subject,  in 
object  clauses,  in  which  it  more  frequently  translates  a  Latin 
passive  gerundive,  and  is  passive  in  sense,  though  occasionally 
it  is  active  in  sense.  Very  rarely,  too,  the  inflected  infinitive 
is  passive  in  sense  in  the  final  use,  owing  to  the  nature  of  the 
Latin  original.  The  infinitive  that  is  active  in  form,  then, 
wild  her  uninflected  or  inflected,  is  somewhat  oftener  passive 
in  sense  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  than  in  the  West-Saxon 
translations, — a  fact  arising  probably  from  the  frequency  of 
passive  gerundives  and  passive  infinitives  in  the  Latin  original 
and  from  the  dislike  of  the  glossator  for  the  compound  passive 
infinitive. 

3.  In  keeping  with  its  origin,  the  infinitive  is  of  dual 
Nature,  partaking,  at  one  and  the  same  time,  of  the  nature  both 
of  the  noun  and  of  the  verb.  But,  despite  this  fact,  one  of  these 
two  tendencies,  the  substantival  and  the  verbal,  usually  predomi- 


Results  '  205 

nates;  and  from  this  standpoint  we  may  roughly  divide  all  in- 
finitives into  two  comprehensive  classes,  (1)  substantival  and 
(2)  verbal  (or  predicative).  More  generally  useful,  however, 
is  the  classification  according  to  the  dominant  Function  of  the 
infinitive;  according  to  which  an  infinitive  is  substantival, 
predicative,  adverbial,  or  adjectival. 

4.  The  Uses  of  the  Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  are 
fourfold : — 

(1)  Substantival,  subdivided  into: 

(a)  Subjective,  oftenest  with  the  infinitive  uninflected,  but 
often  inflected. 

(b)  Objective,  oftenest  with  the  infinitive  uninflected,  but 
often  inflected. 

(c)  Other  Substantival  Uses: 

(aa)  As  a  Predicate  Nominative,  very  rare,  with  the  infini- 
tive uninflected  in  the  one  example  and  inflected  in  the  other. 

(bb)  As  an  Appositive,  infrequent,  oftener  with  the  in- 
finitive uninflected. 

(cc)  As  the  Object  of  a  Preposition,  infrequent,  oftener 
with  the  infinitive  inflected. 

(2)  Predicative  (or  more  Verbal),  in  which  we  have  the 
infinitive: 

(a)  As  the  Predicative  Complement  after: 

(aa)  Auxiliary  Verbs,  with  the  infinitive  normally  unin- 
flected, but  sporadically  inflected. 

(bb)  The  Adhortative  Wutun,  infrequent,  with  the  infini- 
tive invariably  uninflected. 

(cc)  Bia(n)  (Wosa)  to  denote  habitually  Necessity,  but 
occasionally  Purpose,  with  the  infinitive  inflected  in  each 
use.  In  West-Saxon,  this  infinitive  occasionally  denotes,  also, 
Futurity. 

(b)  As  the  Quasi-Predicate  of: 

(aa)  An  Accusative  Subject  after  certain  groups  of  verbs 
(  (1)  of  Commanding,  (2)  of  Causing  and  Permitting,  (3)  of 
Sense  Perception,  (4)  of  Mental  Perception,  (5)  of  Declaring, 
and  (fi)  of  Other  Verbs),  with  the  infinitive  oftenest  uninflect- 


206  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

ed,  but  not  infrequently  inflected.  The  accusative-with-infini- 
tive  construction  is  much  more  frequent  in  objective  than  in 
subjective  clauses.  The  situation  is  much  the  same  in  West- 
Saxon  except  that  the  inflected  infinitive  as  predicate  (whether 
in  objective  or  in  subjective  clauses)  is  rare,  as  is  the  unin- 
flected  infinitive  with  accusative  subject  in  subjective  clauses. 

(bo)  A  Dative  Subject  apparently,  but  not  really,  with  the 
infinitive  sometimes  uninflected  and  sometimes  inflected. 

(c)  As  the  Predicate  in  Imperative  Clauses,  infrequent, 
with  the  infinitive  invariably  uninflected.  In  West-Saxon,  this 
idiom  is  not  found. 

(3)  Adverbial,  subdivided  into: 

(a)  Final,  frequent,  with  the  infinitive  both  uninflected 
and  inflected. 

(b)  Causal,  very  rare,  with  the  infinitive  inflected  only. 

(c)  Specificatory,  with  Adjectives,  not  infrequent,  with  the 
infinitive  somewhat  more  frequently  inflected  than  not. 

(d)  Consecutive,  with  verbs,  very  rare,  with  the  infinitive 
inflected  only. 

(e)  Instrumental,  with  verbs,  very  rare,  with  the  infinitive 
inflected  only. 

(4)  Adjectival,  to  limit  a  Noun  or  Pronoun,  in  which  use 
we  have  habitually  the  inflected  infinitive,  but  occasionally  the 
uninflected  infinitive.  In  one  example  the  inflected  infinitive 
closely  approximates  a  Latin  gerundive. 

5.  The  Differentiation  between  the  Uninflected  Infinitive 
and  the  Inflected  Infinitive  seems  to  rest  upon  this  general 
principle,  though  not  without  a  few  apparent,  if  not  real,  ex- 
ceptions: the  uninflected  infinitive  is  used  normally,  in  sub- 
stantival uses,  as  a  nominative  or  an  accusative  of  a  verbal 
noun ;  in  predicative  and  in  adverbial  uses,  as  an  accusative ; 
the  inflected  infinitive  is  used  normally,  in  substantival  (as 
object  of  verb  or  of  preposition),  in  predicative,  in  adverbial, 
and  in  adjectival  uses,  to  represent  a  case  other  than  the  nomi- 
native or  the  accusative,  what  for  lack  of  a  better  term  I  should 
designate  an  "  indirect  case,"  which  corresponds  oftenest,  as 


Results  207 

would  be  expected  from  its  composition,  to  the  dative  case,  but 
also  to  the  genitive  case  and  to  the  instrumental  case.  And, 
owing  to  the  influence  of  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases,  we 
frequently  have  the  inflected  infinitive  used  as  the  subject  of  a 
finite  verb.  In  accordance  with  this  general  principle,  we  find 
that : — 

(1)  Normally  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  Subject  of  most  finite  verbs. 

(b)  The  direct  Object  of  most  verbs  governing  an  accusa- 
tive of  the  direct  object. 

(c)  The  Appositive  to  a  noun  or  pronoun. 

(d)  Purpose  after  a  few  verbs  of  motion  and  of  command- 
ing and  requesting. 

(e)  The  Predicative  Complement  of  (aa)  the  Auxiliary 
Verbs  (except  ago,,  with  which  only  the  inflected  infinitive  is 
found  )  and  (bb)  the  Verb  of  Motion,  Wutun,  as  in  Wutun 
geonga. 

(/)      The  Quasi-Predicate  of   (aa)   an  Accusative  Subject. 

(2)  Xormally  the  Inflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 
(a)      The  Subject  of  datival  verbs  and  verbal  phrases,  especi- 
ally when  in  proximity  thereto. 

(6)  The  "  indirect  case  "  Object  of  verbs  governing  a  noun 
object  in  the  genitive,  or  the  dative,  or  the  instrumental. 

(c)  The  Predicative  Complement  after  Bia(n)  (Wosa)  to 
denote  Necessity  or  Obligation. 

(d)  The  "  indirect  case  "  adverbial  modifier  of  Verbs,  to 
express  Purpose. 

(e)  The  "  indirect  case "  phrasal,  adjectival  modifier  of 
Nouns  or  Pronouns,  in  which  construction  the  infinitive  usually 
represents  a  genitive  or  a  dative  case. 

(3)  The  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  Inflected  Infini- 
tive are  each  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  Object  with  a  number  of  verbs  of  double  regimen. 

(b)  The  adverbial  (final)  modifier  of  certain  Verbs  (1)  of 
Motion  and  (2)  of  Giving. 

(c)  The  adverbial  (specificatory)  modifier  of  Adjectives. 


208  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

(4)  Datival  verbs  or  verbal  phrases  at  times  Attract  what 
would  normally  be  an  uninfected  infinitive  into  an  inflected  in- 
finitive, especially  if  in  proximity  to  the  infinitive. 

(5)  The  presence  of  Gerund  or  of  Gerundive  in  the  Latin 
original  (whether  with  or  without  a  preposition)  tends  to  the 
use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels;  as 
does,  also,  the  presence  of  the  Latin  Future  Participle. 

(6)  Analogy  at  times  upsets  original  conditions. 

(7)  Naturally,  in  a  late  text,  like  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels, 
the  distinction  between  the  two  infinitives  is  less  strictly  ob- 
served than  in  Early  West-Saxon;  and,  in  keeping  with  the 
analytic  trend  of  the  English  language,  the  inflected  infinitive 
gains  upon  the  uninflected  infinitive,  though  not  to  so  great  a 
degree  as  in  Late  West-Saxon. 

(8)  Sporadically  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  is  used  to 
denote : 

(a)  The  Subject  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  inflected 
infinitive. 

(b)  The  Object  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  inflected 
infinitive. 

(c)  The  Predicate  Nominative. 

(d)  The  Object  of  a  Preposition  (more  commonly  in- 
flected) . 

(e)  The  Quasi-Predicate  to  a  Dative  Subject,  apparently 
but  not  really. 

(/)     The  Predicate  in  Imperative  Clauses. 

(g)  Purpose  where  we  should  expect  the  inflected  infini- 
tive, especially  in  the  later  members  of  a  series  of  co-ordinated 
(inflected)  infinitives. 

(h)     The  Adjectival  Complement  of  a  Noun  or  Pronoun. 

(9)  Sporadically  the  Inflected  Infinitive  is  used  to  denote: 

(a)  The  Subject  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  uninflect- 
ed infinitive. 

(b)  The  Object  of  verbs  that  normally  have  the  uninflect- 
ed infinitive. 

(c)  The  Predicate  Nominative. 


Remits  209 

(d)  The  Appositive  to  a  Noun  or  Pronoun,  when  in  prox- 
imity to  some  word  usually  followed  by  the  inflected  infinitive. 

(e)  The  Object  of  a  Preposition. 

(/)  The  Predicative  Complement  of  (aa)  a  few  Auxiliary 
Verbs  and  of  (bb)  Bia(n)  (Wosa)  to  denote  Purpose. 

(<7)  The  Quasi-Predicate  of  (aa)  an  Accusative  Subject;1 
and  of  (bb)  a  Dative  Subject,  apparently  but  not  really. 

(h)  Purpose  where  we  should  expect  an  uninflected  infini- 
tive, as  in  a  series  of  co-ordinated  (uninflected)  infinitives. 

(i)     Cause  with  verbs. 

(;')     Result  with  verbs. 

(k)     Means  with  verbs. 

6.  The  Position  of  the  Lindisfarne  Infinitive  is  almost  al- 
ways identical  with  that  of  its  Latin  original,  and  hence  has 
not  been  discussed  in  this  study. 

7.  As  to  the  Origin  of  the  constructions  with  the  active  in- 
finitive in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels,  we  may  draw  tentative 
conclusions,  the  more  so  that  the  uses  in  the  Lindisfarne  text 
usually  coincide  with  those  in  the  Rushworth  text  of  the  Gos- 
pels. Accordingly,  in  some  uses  the  infinitive  appears  to  be 
(A)  native  and  in  others  (B)  foreign  (Latin). 

A.      NATIVE 

(1)  In  the  following  uses  the  infinitive  appears  to  be  a 
native  English  idiom: — 

/.     Substantival 

(a)  Subjective,  uniflected  and  inflected,  with  active  verbs. 

(b)  Objective,  with  the  following  active  verbs: — 2 

1  One  hesitates  to  put  this  use  of  the  inflected  infinitive  as  quasi-predicate 
to  an  accusative  subject  under  sporadic,  or  occasional,  uses,  for  over  forty 
examples  thereof  have  been  found.  But  normally  the  infinitive  with  subject 
accusative  is  uninflected  (about  97  examples). 

3  Owing  to  the  paucity  of  examples  of  the  infinitive  as  the  object  with 
the  other  verbs  listed  in  the  chapter  on  "  the  Objective  Infinitive "  and 
not  given  in  (aa)  and  (bb) ,  the  origin  of  the  infinitive  with  those  verbs 
is  indeterminable. 

14 


210  The  Syntax  of  the  Lmdisfarne  Gospels 

(aa)  Fallowed  by  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  Only:  Verbs 
of  Commanding  (gehata,  hata). 

(bb)  Followed  by  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  and  the  In- 
flected Infinitive:  Verbs  of  Commanding  (bebeada)  ;  of  Be- 
ginning (onginna)  ;  and  of  Inclination  and  Will  (soeca  and 
wil(l)niga) . 

(c)  Predicate  Nominative,  in  part,  half  the  time  unin- 
flected and  half  the  time  inflected. 

(d)  Appositive,  in  part,  normally  uninflected. 

II.     Predicative  (or  More  Verbal) 

(a)  With  Auxiliary  Verbs,  uninflected  save  in  a  few  spora- 
dic cases. 

(b)  With  Wutun,  in  the  main,  uninflected. 

(c)  With  Accusative  Subject,  as  object,  uninflected,  after 
(aa)  verbs  of  Commanding:  gehata,  hata;  (bb)  verbs  of  Caus- 
ing and  Permitting:  doa,  gedoa,  gewyrca  (?),  wyrca  ( ?)  ; 
forgeafa,  forleta,  gelefa,  lefa,  leta,  derhgelefa;  (cc)  verbs  of 
Sense  Perception:  gesea,  sea;  (dd)  verbs  of  Mental  Percep- 
tion: getrymma;  and  (ee)  verbs  of  Inclination  and  of  Will: 
willa. — Owing  to  the  paucity  of  examples  of  the  accusative- 
with-infinitive  construction  after  a  number  of  verbs  listed  in 
the  chapter  on  "  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Sub- 
ject "  but  not  given  here  or  under  "  B.  Foreign  "  below,  the 
origin  of  the  idiom  with  those  verbs  is  indeterminable. 

(d)  With  Accusative  Subject,  as  object,  inflected,  after  a 
verb  of  double  regimen  (lefa). 

(e)  With  apparent  but  not  real  Dative  Subject,  uninflected 
and  inflected. 

III.     Adverbial 

(a)  With  Verbs : 

(aa)     Final,  uninflected,  after  verbs  of  Motion. 

(bb)     Causal,  inflected,  in  part. 

(cc)  Consecutive,  inflected,  in  the  main. 

(b)  With  Adjectives: 


Results  211 

(aa)  Specificatory,  slightly  more  frequently  inflected  than 
uninflected. 

IV.     Adjectival 

(a)  With  Noun  or  Pronoun,  habitually  inflected,  except, 
possibly,  when  the  infinitive  is  equivalent  to  a  genitive  phrase, 
or  when  the  infinitive  is  used  strictly  as  a  Latin  gerundive  (see 
Section  XIII,  Note  3,  of  Chapter  III). 

B.     FOREIGN    (LATIN) 

(2)  In  the  following  uses,  on  the  other  hand,  the  infinitive 
appears  to  be  borrowed  from  the  Latin: — 

/.     Substantival 

(a)  Subjective,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  passive 
verbs. 

(b)  Objective,  uninflected  and  inflected,  with  passive 3 
verbs. 

(c)  Predicate  Nominative,  in  part,  half  the  time  uninflect- 
ed and  half  the  time  inflected. 

(d)  Appositive,  in  part,  normally  uninflected. 

(e)  As  the  Object  of  a  Preposition,  usually  inflected. 

II.     Predicative  (or  More  Verbal) 

(a)  With  Wutun,  in  part,  uninflected  only. 

(b)  With  Accusative  Subject,  as  object,  uninflected,  after 
(aa)  verbs  of  Declaring  (cuoeda,  onsacca). — Owing  to  the 
paucity  of  examples  of  the  accusative-with-infinitive  construc- 
tion after  a  number  of  verbs  listed  in  the  chapter  on  "  the 
Predicative  Infinitive  with  Accusative  Subject  "  but  not  given 
here  or  under  "  A.  Native  "  above,  the  origin  of  the  idiom 
with  those  verbs  is  indeterminable. 

8  Owing  to  the  paucity  of  examples  of  the  objective  infinitive  with  active 
verbs,  we  cannot  determine  with  which,  if  any,  active  verbs  the  objective 
infinitive  is  of  Latin  origin. 


212  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels 

(c)  With  Accusative  Subject,  as  object,  inflected,  in  all 
save  a  few  examples  after  a  verb  of  double  regimen,  the  in- 
flected infinitive  translating  a  Latin  future  participle  or,  usual- 
ly, a  Latin  gerundive. 

(d)  With  Accusative  Subject,  as  subject,  uninflected  ex- 
cept sporadically,  with  both  active  and  passive  verbs.  [In  the 
two  instances  of  the  inflected  infinitive,  the  inflection  is  due  to 
the  proximity  of  the  infinitive  to  a  dative-governing  adjective 
or  verb:  see  Section  VIII  of  Chapter  III.] 

(e)  With  Bia(n)  (Wosa),  inflected  only,  to  denote  (aa) 
Necessity  or  Obligation  and  (bo)  Purpose  (the  latter  whether 
passive  or  active  in  sense) . 

(/)     In  Imperative  Clauses,  uninflected  only. 

III.  Adverbial 
(a)     With  Verbs: 

(aa)  Final,  inflected,  after  verbs  of  whatever  kind,  both 
active  and  passive. 

(bb)  Final,  uninflected,  after  verbs  (1)  of  Commanding 
and  Requesting  and  (2)  of  Giving. 

(cc)     Causal,  inflected,  in  part. 

(dd)     Consecutive,  inflected,  in  part. 

(ee)     Instrumental ( ?). 

IV.  Adjectival 

(a)  With  Noun  or  Pronoun,  habitually  inflected,  when  the 
infinitive  is  equivalent  to  a  genitive  phrase,  and  when  the  in- 
finitive is  strictly  equivalent  to  a  Latin  gerundive  (see  Section 
XIII,  Note  3,  of  Chapter  III). 

(3)  The  statements  of  (1)  and  of  (2)  above  as  to  which 
uses  of  the  infinitive  are  native  and  which  are  foreign,  are 
substantiated,  I  believe,  by  the  following  considerations:  (a) 
The  uses  specified  in  (1)  occur,  as  a  rule,  not  only  in  translat- 
ing Latin  infinitives,  but  also  when  the  Latin  has  no  infinitive ; 
and,  when  the  Latin  has  the  infinitive,  it  is  not  often  avoided. 


Results  213 

(&)  The  uses  of  (1)  are,  as  a  rule,  native  in  the  West-Saxon 
dialect  and,  probably,  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 
(c)  The  uses  specified  in  (2),  with  the  rarest  exceptions,  occur 
only  in  translating  certain  Latin  idioms  (chiefly  an  infini- 
tive, a  gerund  or  gerundive,  and  a  future  participle)  ;  and  often, 
as  in  the  case  of  the  infinitive-with-accusative  construction  after 
verbs  of  Declaring,  the  Latin  idiom  is  avoided  instead  of  be- 
ing imitated,  (d)  The  uses  of  (2)  are,  as  a  rule,  due  to  for- 
eign (Latin)  influence  in  the  West-Saxon  dialect  and,  probably, 
in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

8.  The  situation,  therefore,  with  reference  to  the  Active 
Infinitive  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  is  quite  similar  to  that  in 
West-Saxon,  especially  in  the  late  West-Saxon  Gospels.  But, 
again,  the  influence  of  the  Latin  is  more  powerful  in  the  gloss 
than  in  the  translation.  Moreover,  the  Lindisfarne  Gospels  has 
some  peculiarities  of  its  own.  The  following  idioms,  not  re- 
corded in  West-Saxon,  are  occasionally  found  in  the  Lindisfarne 
gloss :  the  Infinitive  as  the  Object  of  a  Preposition ;  the  Impera- 
tive Use  of  the  Infinitive ;  and  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with- 
Infinitive  Construction  (see  under  C  below:  "Substitutes  for 
the  Infinitive").  The  following  idioms,  though  known  in 
West-Saxon,  are  much  more  common  in  the  Lindisfarne  Gos- 
pels: the  Inflected  Infinitive  as  the  Predicate  of  an  Accusative 
Subject  in  Objective  Clauses ;  the  Uninflected  Infinitive  as  the 
Predicate  of  an  Accusative  Subject  in  Subjective  Clauses;  and, 
in  several  functions,  indicated  in  Chapter  III,  the  occasional 
use  of  an  Uninflected  Infinitive  in  a  Passive  Sense,  though  ac- 
tive in  form.  Most  of  these  peculiar  uses,  however,  as  has  been 
shown  in  the  body  of  my  study,  have  arisen  merely  from  the 
fact  that,  in  the  Lindisfarne  gloss,  the  Latin  original  has  been 
much  more  closely  followed  than  in  the  West-Saxon  translations. 

B.     The  Passive  Infinitive 

9.  Far  more  rarely  than  in  West-Saxon  the  Lindisfarne 
Gospels  makes  use  of  a  compound  Passive  Infinitive,  which  is 
made  up  of  the  present  active  infinitive,  wosa,  plus  the  past 


214  The  Syntax  of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels 

participle.    Neither  part  of  this  compound  infinitive  is  inflected. 

10.  This  infinitive  is  passive  in  sense  as  well  as  in  form. 

11.  This  passive  infinitive  is  found  only  twice  in  the  whole 
of  the  Lindisfame  Gospels,  then  as  the  Predicative  Complement 
of  an  Auxiliary  Verb. 

12.  The  passive  infinitive  is  due  to  Latin  influence,  (a) 
In  each  of  the  only  two  examples  in  the  Lindisfame  gloss,  the 
Latin  original  has  a  passive  infinitive,  (b)  The  passive  infini- 
tive of  the  Latin  original  in  numerous  instances  and  in  various 
uses  is  avoided  by  a  periphrasis,  (c)  The  passive  infinitive  is 
due  to  Latin  influence  in  the  West-Saxon  dialect  and,  probably, 
in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

C.     Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive 

13.  The  Lindisfame  Gospels  at  times  makes  use  of  some 
Substitutes  for  the  Infinitive. 

( 1 )  Of  the  Predicate  Nominative  of  the  Present  Participle 
for  the  Predicative  Infinitive  after  Verbs  of  Motion,  as  in  the 
West-Saxon  He  icom  fleogende  from  He  com  fleogan,  no  clear 
example  has  been  found  in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels.  In  West- 
Saxon,  however,  the  idiom  is  quite  common. 

(2)  On  the  other  hand,  of  the  Predicate  Accusative  of 
the  Present  Participle  for  the  Predicative  Infinitive  with  Ac- 
cusative Subject,  chiefly  after  verbs  of  Sense  Perception  and 
of  Mental  Perception,  as  in  Mk.  14.58a:  ue  geherdon  hine  .  .  . 
cuoedende  =  audiuimus  eum  dicentem,  examples  are  numerous 
in  the  Lindisfame  Gospels  as  in  the  West-Saxon  Gospels.  In 
the  former  work,  the  idiom  is  due  to  Latin  influence:  (a)  the 
Lindisfame  participle  almost  invariably  translates  a  Latin  par- 
ticiple; and  (b)  the  idiom  is  due  to  Latin  influence  in  the  West- 
Saxon  dialect  and  in  the  Germanic  languages  as  a  whole. 

(3)  In  the  Elliptical  Accusative-with-Infinitive  Construc- 
tion, which  occurs  chiefly  after  verbs  of  Commanding  and  of 
Declaring,  we  have  usually  (A)  an  Accusative  plus  a  Present 
Participle  translating  a  Latin  elliptical  accusative-with-infini- 


Results  215 

tive  construction  consisting  either  (a)  of  an  accusative  plus  a 
future  participle  without  esse  or,  more  frequently,  (b)  of  an 
accusative  plus  a  gerundive  without  esse,  as  in  Mat.  I.  20.4: 
gedrouende  hine  forescegde  =  Passurum  se  prwnuntians  ;  and 
Mh.  I.  4.14a:  forecued  hine  slaende  =  praedicens  se  occi- 
dendum.  Occasionally  we  have  (B)  an  Accusative  plus  a 
Preterite  Participle  translating  a  Latin  elliptical  accusative- 
with-infinitive  construction  consisting  usually  (a.)  of  an  accu- 
sative plus  a  gerundive  without  esse  or  occasionally  (b)  of  an 
accusative  plus  a  past  participle,  as  in  Mat.  I.  16.14°:  gelaeres 
sodfeastnisse  ofersuided  =  docet  iustitiam  superandam;  and 
Mh.  I.  1.6b,  Y:  in  stefne  engles  scecgende  gesended  ne  <5set  ane 
word  lichoma  geworden  ah  lichoma  drihtes  (5erh  word  god- 
cundes  stefn  gesaweled  =  in  uoce  angeli  enuntiantis  emissum 
non  solum  uerbum  caro  factum  sed  corpus  domini  per  uerhum 
diuinse  uocis  animatwm.  Type  A  of  this  idiom  is  certainly, 
and  type  B  is  probably,  due  to  Latin  influence.  Of  neither  type 
have  I  found  a  clear  example  in  West-Saxon. 


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*  No  initial  is  given  in  the  article. 


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ADDENDA  AND   CORRIGENDA 


All  the  Abbreviations  used  in  this  monograph  are  self-explanatory,  I 
think,  with  the  possible  exception  of  these  two :  cfv.  =  co-ordinated  finite 
verb  and  sfv.  =  subordinated  finite  verb.     See  pp.  31  ff. 

Concerning  the  Voice  of  the  Present  Participle  in  Absolute,  Appositive, 
and  Predicative  Uses,  discussed  respectively  in  Note  1,  p.  5,  in  Note  1, 
p.  86,  and  in  Note  4,  pp.  184-186,  see,  besides  the  references  there  given, 
the  following,  which  was  inadvertently  omitted:  Bouterwek's  Die  Tier 
Evangelien  in  Alt-Nordhumbrischer  Sprache,  pp.  civ-cv.  Bouterwek  cites 
a  few  examples  of  a  Northumbrian  present  participle  that  is,  he  holds, 
passive  in  sense,  in  appositive,  in  predicative,  and  in  substantival  uses. 
His  examples  of  the  appositive  use  seem  to  me  doubtful.  He  says  nothing 
of  the  voice  of  the  present  participle  in  absolute  uses.  Of  the  passive  use 
of  the  present  participle  in  the  other  three  idioms,  he  offers  this  explanation : 
"  Sehr  wahrscheinlich  beruhen  diese  Ungewohnlichkeiten  mehr  auf  Ver- 
schlechterung  der  Mundart  und  sind  Zeichen  spater  Zeit,  als  dass  sie  einem 
tieferen  Sprachgesetze  folgen." 

Of  the  seven  examples  of  the  Imperative  Infinitive  given  by  me  on  p. 
175,  two  (Mk.  11.  23a,b)  are  incidentally  cited  in  the  "Prolegomena"  to 
Stevenson  and  Waring's  The  Lindisfarne  and  Rushworth  Gospels,  p.  civ, 
along  with  various  other  passages  "  where  both  glosses  render  the  text  with 
verbal  identity  in  so  erroneous  or  so  singular  a  manner,  that  mere  coinci- 
dence is  out  of  the  question,  and  the  only  possible  hypothesis  is  that  both 
glossists  drew  from  a  common  original. '^ 

Owing  to  the  interruption  in  the  postal  service  caused  by  the  Inter- 
national War,  I  have  not  been  able  to  procure  the  following  works  before 
going  to  press: — Ekwall,  Eilert:  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Eng- 
lish Dialects  [Lunds  Univ.  Arsskr.],  Gleerup,  Lund,  1917;  Nygaard,  M. : 
Bemerknimger,  Rettelser,  og  Tilloeg  til  Mm  Norr0n  Syntax,  Dybwad,  Kris- 
tiania,  1917.     See,  also,  the  footnote  to  p.  21. 

The  following  corrections  should  be  made: — 

P.  27,  1.  26:    at  the  end  of  this  line  insert  the  second  half  of  the  brackets. 

P.  139,  1.  28:    insert  L.  13.  33b  before  soft. 

P.  175,  1.  34:    change  ges-tcena  to  ge-stwna. 

P.  184,  Note  1:  on  second  thought  it  seems  better  to  consider  that  the 
passage  here  quoted  gives  us  an  example,  not  of  the  Elliptical  Accusative- 
with-Infinitive  Construction,  but  of  the  Predicative  Accusative  of  a  Pre- 
terite Participle  that  is  active  in  sense.  M.  c,  jr. 


240 


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